A series of recently declassified documents in the National Archives provide striking evidence of the shift of United States military strategic thinking away from the nineteenth and early twentieth century unilateral interventionist approaches to the bilateral approaches taken in World War II under the multilateral framework of the Good Neighbor Policy.

It is also significant to note that, despite the multilateral thrust of this Good Neighbor Policy promulgated by President Roosevelt and the U.S. State Department, the U.S. Military Departments— War and Navy—made no provisions for multilateral strategic plans in World War II.

But even as U.S. military planners prepared for bilateral cooperation with Latin American allies in the war, they continued to draft and update unilateral plans for intervention and invasion of key Latin American countries if cooperative approaches should fail.

In the period following Brazil's 1964 military coup, many historians turned their attention to the Vargas years, especially the 1930s. For one thing, the period had not been thoroughly examined. For another, factors common to both “revolutions” intrigued them: interplay among civilians and military officers in the respective golpes; repression of dissent and the use of nationalistic propaganda; concern over Brazil's place in the international order; social mobilization to neutralize class conflict and promote growth; tension between liberalism and corporatism; and efforts to promote national integration. Many of the historical actors, as well, were the same.

Puestos a examinar la herencia política y jurídica que los países hispanoamericanos conservan de España, de inmediato nos apercibimos de la inmensidad y la importancia del tema. Los paíes hispanoamericanos cubren una parte importante del Nuevo Mundo y están grávidos de potencialidades inéditas. Es preciso repetir que forman la única región de cultura occidental que permanece en retardo científico, tecnológico y ecónomico. Esperamos que los pueblos avanzados de la esfera occidental de cultura se mantengan conscientes de esta realidad. Está en el interés de todos los pueblos que las regiones atrasadas ocupen su puesto al sol en la sociedad científica y tecnológica de nuestros días. Saber, para actuar apropiadamente, es una prudente actitud, y de ahí que los estudios de los pueblos y regiones estén llamados a tener consecuencias prácticas. La proliferatión de los estudios latinoamericanos en universidades europeas y norteamericanas —y en este punto Texas tiene un papel importante entre las universidades de los Estados Unidos— promete el análisis serio de las realidades sociales e históricas, y por lo tanto el establecimiento de canales idóneos de comunicación.

The psychological development of most human beings leads to the emergence of feelings of “belongingness” vis-à-vis certain social groupings. I shall denote such feelings by the term “loyalties.” With the emergence of the state, and increasingly on into the contemporary era, an attempt has been made by these maximal-sized, territorial-based political units, to develop a state-focused civic sense within their respective societies. According to Geertz (1963: 156), the civic sense involves “a definite concept of the public as a separate and distinct body and an attendant notion of a genuine public interest, which though not necessarily superior to, is independent of and at times even in conflict with both private and other sorts of collective interest.” However, within the confines of already existing states may be smaller territorial units who view themselves as political communities with their own publics.

A somewhat neglected though thoroughly promising area for the analysis of changing women's roles lies in the matter of health and health care systems within any society. This is nowhere more the case than in the instance of contemporary Cuban health care and the part that women in that society play in the health care systems as deflners of health care problems, recipients of care, and as those who deliver care to others. Both women's roles and health care in contemporary Cuba have dramatically altered over the past decade, thus yielding doubly rich insights, which reciprocally illuminate both issues.

Latin-American education today bears more resemblance to its ineffective past than to the great and good plans which its educators have regularly got incorporated into law. For two generations all the southern republics have passed constitutional provisions guaranteeing free and compulsory education. Haiti has carried such a provision in its legal code since 1871, yet today 92 per cent of its people are illiterate.

The percentage figure ranges somewhat lower for the other countries, but the basic situation remains the same. As H. W. Spiegel reported in The Brazilian Economy: “At present no more than one-third of Brazil's child population attends school. Schools, including the elementary, are overcrowded. Teachers are scarce. Education opportunities for higher training are poor and expensive. During 1940 to 1944, seventyeight per cent of the immigrants were literate; in 1940 only thirty-two per cent of the native Brazilians were literate.”

I was invited to prepare an interpretative essay on this subject. That, and nothing more, is what this paper aspires to be. It is not a monograph and any resemblance it may bear to historiography or bibliography is purely coincidental.

Any essay on economic factors in the Latin American independence movement labors under a heavy heuristic handicap. The difficulty begins with the paucity of basic economic studies of the period. This deficiency was noted by Charles Griffin ten years ago in a related paper; little progress towards filling the gap has been made since.

In so far as it is possible to identify and evaluate the economic factors in the independence movement, they appear less important than the political and perhaps other factors. This is almost certainly so if the question is one of conscious motivation, and probably so whatever the terms of the question.

This paper presents data on the social and political opinions of junior college students in Belize (British Honduras) prior to independence. The data are intended to give a preliminary indication of current patterns of conflict and consensus which can be used as a bench mark against which future development in Belizean political culture can be measured. The organization of the data has been based on theoretical considerations of political development and socialization in transitional societies.

A major influence on political attitudes and partisanship is the impact of social identity. In the United States, a self-identification as a Republican or a Democrat usually carries connotations of a wider range of social characteristics. In fact, people often adopt the partisan identification most appropriate to their social situation. Once acquired, partisan attitudes tend to influence other political attitudes as people react to issues and events in a way that tends to support and justify their party choices (Dawson and Prewitt, 1969).

The Commonwealth of the Bahama Islands entered the international system as a sovereign state on July 10, 1973. It did so by sponsorship, which is to say that as far as relations between the Bahamas and the imperial country (United Kingdom) are concerned, independence has been granted, rather than taken or seized, with a minimal amount of difficulty. The identification of various issue-areas related to the entry of the Commonwealth into the international system is one way of indicating the various components that have gone into making up the “national interest” of that country, at least in the perspective of the state's policy makers. More concretely, the peculiar problems arising from its character as an archipelago state with a relatively open economy, make the questions to be resolved before and immediately after independence perhaps more complex than those faced by the other independent states of the Commonwealth Caribbean that have acceded to full sovereignty in the last decade.

Atendência para polarisar dialeticamente as situações socio-culturais chegou a conquistar dentistas do calibre de Georges Balandier, que investiu ha algum tempo contra os estudos de mudança cultural e contra a antropologia prática ou aplicada. Este trabalho, embora não se preocupe com “choques entre civilizações”, tem como presuposto a possibilidade da mudança cultural e se contem nos limites da etnopsiquiatria e da etnopsicologia.

Over the last thirteen years the United States has provided almost five hundred million dollars in military aid to Latin America. This program has continued undaunted despite the fact that the justification for the undertaking — as shown by testimony of U. S. congressional hearings — has undergone such a wide fluctuation that today's purposes are quite different from yesterday's. To understand the present program it is helpful to explore the peculiar evolution of this program of aid.

During World War II there was cooperation between the United States and Latin-American military forces. Two states, Mexico and Brazil, donated forces which saw combat. The chief contribution of Latin America to the war effort, however, was in the realm of economic assistance to the United States war machine.

Prominent among nineteenth century Argentine politicians, Carlos Pellegrini is best remembered today as the harassed chief executive who inherited the mantle of Miguel Juárez Celman and the challenges of the terrible depression following the “Revolution of ’90.” He is likewise recalled as the ardent defender of Argentina's obligations to its foreign creditors at a time when European investors were being blamed for most of the ills besetting his country. Less well known, however, are his views on the subject of national unity and his untiring efforts, primarily in the Argentine Congress, to sell his countrymen on the dream of a unified Argentina devoid of exaggerated local and provincial loyalties.

Los Estudios sobre el liderazgo se han llevado a cabo en muchos lugares diferentes, empleando un número de métodos distintos. Estos métodos varían en el enfoque y en los resultados obtenidos: uno se limita a preguntar a los informantes claves, quiénes son los líderes de la comunidad, y en acercarse a esos líderes repitiendo la pregunta a cada una de las personas que aparecen en la lista. Conforme más y más van apareciendo en la lista, se entrevista también a las nuevas personas mencionadas. El resultado final es una lista de personas que se describen como líderes o que tienen influencia en los asuntos de la comunidad. Los líderes principales en este caso son aquellos que aparecen con más frecuencia en las diferentes listas obtenidas.

La cuestión colonial fué comprendida por muy pocos políticos españoles del siglo XIX. Pi y Margall fué uno de ellos, si bien cuando llegó al poder no hizo nada. Prim fué otro. Según uno de sus biógrafos, “pensó en conceder la autonomía para después llegar a la independencia, y, cuando pensaba ya en triunfar, librado a nuestro país del cáncer que le consumía … aconteció el vil asesinato de que fué víctima.”1 El tercero fué Rafael María de Labra (1840-1918), a quien nadie excedió en señalar los vicios y pecados de la colonización española.

Verdaderamente sorprende hoy el olvido en que se tiene a un hombre que dedicó lo mejor de su vida a la defensa de los intereses antillanos. Porque América — hay que decirlo — fué su obsesión, no sólo durante los días de la colonia sino después, cuando ya perdidos los últimos restos del imperio español se dedicó a cultivar la intimidad americana y a fomentar la unión espiritual de España con las repúblicas hispanoamericanas.

This essay examines how the inhabitants of Putumayo, a department of Colombia both divided and held together by licit and illicit authority structures and markets, engage with varied political orders as they advance individual and collective economic and political projects. Putumayo’s inhabitants adopt four basic strategies to maintain their often illicit livelihoods amid state repression. The first is intellectual resistance, wherein they develop explanations for their involvement in illicit markets that they can use to alter local and national state behavior. The second is protest, through which groups of peasants mobilize to support their illicit but socially normalized economic endeavors. A third is evasion or malicia, in which peasants seek to strategically adhere to state policy to misdirect the state as they continue to grow coca. Fourth, some peasants pursue a strategy of exit, going deeper into the jungle in search of land where they can peacefully grow coca.

Comparative political economists often divide Latin American labor markets into those with secure employment (insiders) and those without it (outsiders). Yet this division misses an increasingly important class of contract workers, who hold formal labor contracts but often lack labor stability, welfare benefits, and organizing rights. When do unionized and contract workers share preferences and engage in joint organizing? And when do their efforts result in policy change? Drawing on case studies of Chile and Peru, I argue that unionized workers mobilize contract workers when they see their own membership under threat and when they share physical workplaces with contractors. Labor coalitions succeed in policy reform when they leverage divisions within the business community and upcoming elections to build support. This article thus pushes scholars to move beyond dichotomies of formal versus informal workers and study how contract workers matter for collective action and labor policy outcomes.

Many studies suggest that mixed-member electoral systems produce different attitudes and behaviors among representatives. This article assesses how this type of electoral system shapes Bolivian legislators' perceptions of their roles as representatives, their district activities, and their relationships with their political parties. It examines these dimensions using elite survey data and interviews with legislators and their personal assistants. The results show that the electoral system does not produce a uniform impact. It shapes how legislators perceive their role as representatives and the nature of the relationship they build with their political parties, but it does not produce differences in the kinds of activities that both types of legislators carry out in their districts.