Although sociological research has examined the reproduction of Chile’s elites, there is little empirical evidence of how different forms of capital operate among them. Using datasets for members of the Chilean political elite from 1990 to 2010, this country note examines and measures the effect of political, social, and cultural capital on the access of certain individuals to strategic positions in the political field, comparing the legislative and executive branches as represented by deputies and ministers. The empirical analysis includes logit models.

The word “community” has been defined as a “structuring of elements and dimensions to solve problems which must be or can be solved within the local area.” This problem-solving process by which the community is directed, segmented, and formed into a structure has been the basis of many community power studies. Floyd Hunter was among the first to study this process, employing what has been termed the reputational method of community study. This method is now considered a standard technique for determining community power structures. It consists of a series of interviews with selected community knowledgeables who are asked to name the most influential individuals in the area. This is followed by a second round of interviews with those influentials who received the highest number of “votes” or mentions from the knowledgeables, asking them for a similar listing in order to rank the group of influentials according to their power in the community.

Research on the presidency in Latin America offers one of the most promising sources of contributions to be made to the study of comparative government. With the exception of a few articles in journals, and chapters on the presidency in political science texts and readers, no general work on the Latin American chief executive is to be found in English. Also lacking are general works on the presidency in individual countries. With more than 700 Latin American presidents in office since the twenty republics were formed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, investigation seems not only possible but desirable in building modest or middle-range theories of development and modernization in the behavior of Latin American chiefs of state. Given the fact of presidential domination of the political process throughout much, if not most, of the republican period in Latin America, the presidency is an obvious and important focus of study.

Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada
Lá sou amigo do rei
La tenho a mulher que eu quero
Na cama que escolherei
Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada

Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada
Aqui eu nao sou feliz

Em Pasárgada tem tudo
É Outra civilização
Tem um processo seguro
De impedir a concepção
Tem telefone automático
Tem alcaloide a vontade
Tem prostitutas bonitas
Para a gente namorar

— Lá sou amigo do rei —
Terei a mulher que eu quero
Na cama que escolherei
Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada

Published in 1957, to mark his seventieth birthday, the “Itinerário” gives a lucid account of Manuel Bandeira's biography, in which he carefully details the significant events of his long career. But the book has even greater value as a document which traces the poet's dual formation as man and as artist, the shaping of his artistic sensibility and consciousness of poetic mission.

El autor, que desde hace más de un cuarto de siglo viene participando activamente en reuniones de esta clase, en el terreno de la organización y del derecho municipales y especialmente en las últimas reuniones celebradas por la Asociación Interamericana de Abogados, conocida en los Estados Unidos por la sigla I.A.B.A., no perdería un solo instante en escribir el presente artículo si tuviera la más mínima duda acerca de la utilidad, de la conveniencia y de la necesidad de fomentar, de estimular, de apoyar por todos los medios a su alcance, las conferencias y congresos organizados para estudiar los defectos o las fallas de las instituciones. Sean estos los municipios o los poderes de gobierno, como el poder judicial, para analizar sus causas y buscar los remedios jurídicos o de otra clase, convenientes para subsanarlos, e impulsar de ese modo el perfecto funcionamiento de las instituciones jurídicas, el progreso social, en general, dentro de los moldes del llamado “Estado de Derecho”.

To understand the social revolution in Cuba today one must be at once anthropologist, historian, sociologist, political scientist, scientist, economist, writer, philosopher, and something of a rebel oneself. In other words, one must be a Universal Man. Who of us today, however, would pretend to such all-encompassing knowledge? The Cuban Revolution in the nineteenth century, however, did produce such a man, José Martí. Or rather, it would be more accurate to say that such a man produced the Revolution, at least in the sense that Marti was the main publicist for the revolutionary Cuban exiles, co-ordinator of the emigrant groups, money collector, and author of its major political documents.

Although Marti ranks with Simón Bolívar and José de San Martín as a liberator, he is relatively unknown in the United States. Yet his collected works fill seventy-four volumes. One bibliography lists over 10,000 items, including more than a hundred books and more than 200 monographs written about him. Marti was first and last a revolutionist, but he was also a poet, one of the best, and highly praised by such authorities as Gabriela Mistral, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno, Fernando de los Ríos, Rufino Blanco Fombona, and Amado Nervo.

Latin-American international behavior has always seemed puzzling to the policy-makers of Washington, but perhaps never quite as incomprehensible as in connection with the recent Cuban missile crisis. On various occasions, notably during the San José and Punta del Este Foreign Ministers’ Conferences, the United States had attempted to obtain some concerted action against the aggresive and subversive activities of a Communist-dominated Cuba. The response of the Latin-American nations ranged from lukewarm to frigid, and the maximum that the U. S. was able to obtain (and that by a bare two-thirds vote) in the way of anti-Cuban action, was the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States, a step which one must assume was greeted by the Cuban leaders with something less than total consternation.

Does electoral campaigning in Latin America make a difference, and does it merit the attention of scholars? This was at the core of an extensive bibliographic analysis, published nearly two decades ago, which noted the paucity of literature on the subject, extending throughout the Third World and even including Western Europe (Martz, 1971). However, the rising tide of military authoritarianism dramatically reduced the relevance of the question in the region, and students of Latin American politics turned away, understandably, from concerted attention to campaigns, elections, and parties. Only with the reemergence of democratic regimes in recent years has interest turned back toward older emphases (Martz, 1990). Once again, theoretical developments have been colored by the events of the day, reorienting scholarly attention “from the military overthrow of civilian regimes and Latin American authoritarianism toward the prospects and processes of redemocratization” (Malloy, 1987).

In this paper it is intended to present the “political ethnography” of Villalta, a community in the Dominican Republic, from the period before the rise of Trujillo until May 1968, when municipal elections were held throughout the country. The principal concern is to show how the power structure and system of patronage which developed in Villalta during the Trujillo years has responded to the political fortunes of the country since the death of Trujillo.

Much of the discussion will deal with a small group of men who are the principal dispensers of political patronage and who, over the years, have represented the community to the outside. At lower levels, those who acquiesce to the judgment of these men frequently do so in accordance with patron-client ties. Because of both political and economic change within and outside the community, the basis on which this acquiescence has rested, has undergone change and the position of the power-holders has been rendered more tenuous.

The first English travel literature dealing with the western countries of South America is that which describes the exploits of early British navigators such as Drake, Narbrough, Anson, and others.1 These accounts, however, are mostly limited to descriptions of the coastal areas, and very little is included about the inland country, the people, and their way of life. It was not until after the wars of independence had been fought and won that the Spanish monopolistic barriers were fully eliminated, and foreigners were permitted to travel freely in the newlyemancipated South American countries. This was particularly true of Chile and Peru, to which countless Englishmen were attracted and were able to record their first-hand, vivid impressions of what they had seen.

The stability of Latin America rests essentially on the solution of two interrelated problems—population growth and economic development. A further corollary, and an extremely significant one, will be the social distribution of the benefits accruing from economic betterment. Latin America is both the fastest growing world region in population and also the most advanced (in terms of the death rate, literacy, and per capita income) of the underdeveloped regions of the world. It is also the only region of the underdeveloped world that had evolved from political colonial status prior to World War II. This region, therefore, has had the longest history of endeavoring to solve directly many of the problems that plague the 70 per cent of mankind that lives in the underdeveloped countries.

Portuguese, a relative newcomer to most college and university curricula, may possibly have been taught in the United States as early as the close of the seventeenth century in a school belonging to the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue of New York City. It seems likely that the early records kept in Portuguese over several decades were written by those who received their training in the language in New York City. Instruction in Portuguese in college was first offered by a Frenchman, Father Peter Babad of the Society of St. Sulpice. Just when the priest began teaching Portuguese at St. Mary's College in Baltimore, Maryland, is not precisely known, but in 1816 he had a class in it under the auspices of the Department of Classical Languages.

The International Coffee Agreement (1962) culminated a long search for a comprehensive coffee price support scheme. From the late 1920s to the early 1940s Brazil had unilaterally supported coffee prices by storing and burning huge quantities of coffee. Brazil's efforts to gain multilateral price support during this period were in vain. In the mid-1950s, when it again became apparent that coffee production would soon exceed demand at any price satisfactory to producers, Brazil renewed the search for multilateral market support. Her efforts met with partial success in October 1957 when seven Latin American coffee growing nations signed the Mexico Agreement. Market support was gradually expanded in a series of annual agreements until representatives of countries accounting for over 90 percent of the world's production and consumption agreed to the five-year International Coffee Agreement (1962). This agreement was followed by another five-year pact, the International Coffee Agreement of 1968.

Valparaíso's first modern water-supply system was constructed by William Wheelwright in 1851. When he arrived at the port to settle in 1829, it was “entirely destitute of pure water, and this want seriously affected trade and industry not less than the health of the population.” Following a series of editorials on the poor system of water supply, the municipality passed a corrective law in July of 1829. Certain quebradas (ravines) in the hills overlooking the municipality were made fit to serve as reservoirs. People residing in the vicinity of the quebradas were enjoined against taking water out of the quebradas. Nor were they permitted to water horses or wash clothes. The law did not prove to be a panacea. Valparaíso continued to be without an adequte water supply.