This paper reports the recent discovery of a royal tomb in Calakmul, Campeche, Mexico. Buried in this chamber was an adult male. Among the abundant offerings that accompanied this personage was a polychrome plate bearing the heiroglyph, Yukom Yich’ak K’ak’ (Jaguar Paw), the name of the governor of Cakalmul during the second half of the seventh century. Previously, it was believed that Jaguar Paw was captured and sacrificed at Tikal in 695 A. D. However, new data suggest that this recently discovered tomb at Calakmul was his final resting place.

Archaeologists working with complex societies are concerned with the administration of political economies. Beginning with the premise that there are differing forms of administration and that bureaucracy, in the classic formulation of Max Weber, is one of these, I develop a heuristic dichotomy between two types of administrators: stewards (who closely supervise goods and people) and bureaucrats (who process and control information). Bureaucracy is often linked to written records, but in the Central Andes alternative methods of record keeping were developed, such as the quipu or knotted string record. I argue that one alternative record-keeping device was an architectural form, the U-shaped structure. U-shaped structures are closely identified with the administrative architecture of the Chimu kingdom (ca. A.D. 850–1470) on the north coast of Peru. Four independent lines of argument demonstrate the development of bureaucracy from stewardship at Chan Chan, the capital of the Chimu kingdom. Brief comparisons are made between the Chimu administrative pattern and commodity and information flow in the earlier Huari and Tiwanku civilizations, and with the later Inka pattern. These comparisons show how record-keeping technology affects political economy and the strategy of expansion.

Ceramic diversity in the ceremonial center of Chavín de Huantar in the Peruvian highlands is assessed by neutron activation analysis, petrography, and stylistic analysis. These analyses lead to a new interpretation of ceramic production in Chavín between ca. 850 and 200 B.C. Several compositional groups with very different mineralogical paste types are identified. More than 30 percent of the ceramics are nonlocal. Most of these are bottles and fine wares, probably brought to the site as gifts or offerings. At the local level, ceramic production changed over time. A dramatic shift in resource procurement occurred at the end of the first occupation phase, and production became more diversified and intense as the site and its population grew larger.

This study uses architectural and activity area analyses to examine the Classic-Postclassic transition and the resulting Postclassic-Early Historic (A. D. 1000–1697) Maya society in the Petén Lakes region of Guatemala. The research combines a detailed temporal comparison of architectural styles and an analysis of changing architecture as the restructuring of everyday social action. The methods have significance beyond Maya studies in addressing questions of cultural continuity or in-migration. Archaeological data from recent excavations, including new radiocarbon dates, document the intensive settlement of the Quexil Islands in the Terminal Classic period (A. D. 800–1000) and its occupation thereafter. Architectural evidence from the Quexil Islands and other Petén Lakes sites indicates a mosaic pattern of change, reflecting to varying extents Classic-Postclassic continuity and external contacts, with differences among sites rather than the complete replacement of populations. Evidence of the later incorporation of this small village, known ethnohistorically as “Eckixil,” in the Late Postclassic-Early Historic Itza polity, demonstrates a strong linkage with the political core, illustrating the political complexity of this hinterland region.

Chachapoya societies that lived on the forested eastern slopes of the Andes in northern Peru between A.D. 1000 and 1450 remain largely absent from broader narratives of the Andean Late Intermediate period (LIP). This paper argues that environmentally deterministic frameworks and lingering Inka biases have led scholars to problematically isolate Chachapoyans from their highland contemporaries. This work reviews three aspects of Chachapoya built environments—settlement patterning, internal organization, and architectural style—in order to provide a baseline for comparison with other regions. Chachapoyas shared a pattern of hilltop settlement locations with nearly all of the highlands, which suggests that its inhabitants faced the same shared factors that prompted changes in settlement organization on a massive scale in this region during the LIP. At the same time, comparison of Chachapoya built environments with others of the northern, central, and southern highlands highlights the considerable diversity within and between regions. This demonstrates that Chachapoyas is best interpreted as simply one of many regions that were characterized by distinctive spatlalltles and architectural forms. These reflected locally specific cultural practices and social institutions. Including Chachapoyas and other regions of the Eastern Andes in accounts of the LIP underscores the diversity and dynamism that characterized this period of significant change in Andean history.

Entre los años 2007 y 2010 se desarrollaron reconocimientos pedestres acompañados de sondeos y pequeñas excavaciones en el Archipiélago de Las Perlas, Panamá. Las investigaciones más intensivas se realizaron en Isla Pedro González. Esta breve síntesis preliminar de la cronología de la ocupación prehispánica de esta isla se basa en dataciones radiocarbónicas. También incluye comparaciones tipológicas y cronométricas con dos regiones culturales: Gran Coclé hacia el Oeste, donde floreció una tradición de policromía particular entre 2500 y 450 cal a.P. y el área que se constituyó como la región cultural de Gran Darién a partir de 1200–800 cal a.P. El yacimiento más antiguo en Pedro González es precerámico (6200–5600 cal a.P.). Después de un largo hiato, esta isla fue colonizada por grupos alfareros para el 2350 cal a.P. Se plantea la existencia de cinco fases cerámicas basadas en los rangos a 2σ de las dataciones radiocarbónicas, las que se traslapan entre sí. Entre 2350 y 1450 a.P. la alfarería isleña refleja la trayectoria diacrónica de la cerámica en Gran Coclé con características propias que se extienden a zonas de tierra firme hacia el Norte, así como a islas cercanas a la costa como Taboguilla. Sin embargo, entre 1450 y 1200 cal a.P., las similitudes tipológicas con la Península de Azuero, Coclé y Playa Venado (en la costa Sur del área canalera) son tan marcadas que se asume que este área comprendió brevemente una misma zona de interacción cuya homogeneidad cultural pudo estar vinculada al comercio marítimo estimulado por la importancia de las conchas de arrecife, como Spondylus. La alfarería cambia abruptamente entre 1200 y 800 cal a.P., aludiendo a una nueva población o a un reajuste en las conexiones con tierra firme con un énfasis en el litoral Este de la Bahía de Panamá y el noroeste de Colombia.

Numeric age assessments of organic material encapsulated by rock varnish present on stone lintels of two “puquios” in the Nasca region of the south coast of Peru indicate a Precolumbian age. Accelerator mass spectrometry radiocarbon analyses at the Isotrace Laboratory revealed ages of cal A. D. 560(620)650 and cal A. D. 600(640)660 (1 sigma). These calibrated measurements are considered to be appropriate in the context of the archaeological settlement pattern data for the region. As well, the written documents of the colonial period neither confirm nor deny the presence of the puquios. Three assumptions are inherent in the acceptance of these dates: (1) AMS 14C dating and its application to rock varnish yield reliable results, (2) sample contamination can be recognized, and (3) determination of the age of the puquios rests upon testable available information; ex silentio arguments about the presence or absence of the puquios in the Nasca region before the Spanish conquest are inadequate for the resolution of the question.

Two areas of Middle Preclassic architecture flanking a courtyard dating between ca. 650 and 400 B. C. were investigated. Successive plaster-floored houses were found that had perishable superstructures, and which demonstrated periodic partial demolition and rebuilding. Thirteen burials had a range of grave goods and orientations; burial position may, however, be lineage specific. While adult grave goods do not indicate social diversity, abundant shell jewelry with children suggests a status based on family rank rather than on individual achievement.

Isotopic investigations of human burials from excavations of the Autonomous University of Campeche (CIHS) at the prehispanic Maya capital of Calakmul in southeastern Mexico, near the border with Guatemala, include determination of radiocarbon dates; carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios in collagen; and strontium, carbon, and oxygen isotope ratios in tooth enamel. A total of 22 human and 5 faunal samples analyzed for strontium isotopes reveal a narrow range of variation in values, pointing to the likely local origin of over two-thirds of the central population of Calakmul, including two of its rulers. Carbon and nitrogen data confirm a typical Classic Maya diet at the site and identify a diet high in meat consumption for one dynastic individual. Interpreted jointly, the isotopic information offers new perspectives on the provenience and lifestyles of the residents of Calakmul, including a potential place of origin for the royal occupant of chamber tomb Burial VII-1.

Prehispanic socioeconomic organization along the Andean coast is often understood with the “horizontality” model. In this scenario, coastal communities engaged in specialized economic activities and exchanged for products of other specialized communities. Throughout the lower reaches of the Osmore drainage on the south coast of Peru, settlement distribution and both residential and mortuary assemblages of Late Intermediate period Chiribaya partially reflect this pattern. However, investigations at the site of Wawakiki do not support a strict pattern of specialization, demonstrating that some communities along the intervalley coast emphasized a diversified production strategy. This practice appears late in the Chiribaya cultural sequence established for the Ilo valley, and it appears to have constituted part of a socioeconomic response to increasing hardships between about A.D. 1200-1400. Late Chiribaya populations responded to the combined effects of demographic growth and diminishing agricultural potential by (1) expanding into the relatively unpopulated intervalley coast, and (2) placing greater emphasis on diversified community level production along the coast. These results indicate that the variation observed in socio-economic organization should be interpreted within a more historically contingent and dynamic framework than that offered by a general model alone.

El trabajo explora cuán estables fueron las estrategias humanas una vez que las poblaciones indígenas del centro-occidente argentino incorporaron cultígenos. Asimismo, evalúa si una vez incorporado el consumo de plantas domésticas, las estrategias fueron, o no, progresivamente apoyándose más sobre la producción y consumo de las mismas. El estudio compara tres sitios con restos humanos (Jaime Prats-1, Rincón del Atuel-1 y Cañada Seca-1) localizados entre sí a una distancia máxima de 40 km y en un valle considerado como el límite sur de la agricultura andina prehispánica. Estos sitios, que presentan una continuidad temporal, abarcan desde ca. 1900 (300 años posterior al registro inicial de las plantas domésticas en la región) a ca. 1400 años aP. Se comparan datos de isótopos estables (13C, 15N, 18O), morfometría craneal, mandibular y dental, junto a información contextual arqueológica. El sitio más antiguo, Jaime Prats-1, muestra semejanzas isotópicas y morfológicas con Cañada Seca-1, el más reciente, a pesar de no ser continuos en el tiempo. Ambos se diferencian de Rincón del Atuel-1, que temporalmente se intercala entre los dos. Los resultados señalan una mayor importancia del maíz en Rincón del Atuel-1, junto a una menor movilidad residencial, aunque en ninguno de los casos este recurso habría contribuido más del 30% a la dieta. Los sistemas humanos que ocuparon la frontera agrícola en estos primeros 500 años de uso de plantas domésticas muestran una alta variabilidad en su organización, sin cruzar umbrales que impidan retornar a sistemas de baja producción.

Although Andean archaeology has long used the term “ethnic” to refer to human groups, new understandings of ethnicity have injected less static understandings of contextualized identity construction into our models of the past. A review of recent work on ethnicity in the field reveals, however, that methodological approaches to these social entities do not always follow suit and rather favor normative synchronie comparisons. This paper explores the origins and trends in the study of ethnic groups and ethnicity in Andean archaeology, arguing that we may be seeing the persistence of the culture concept in the guise of ethnicity. It also examines best practices in the literature in order to make recommendations concerning the adoption of local, contextual, and diachronic methods in conjunction with multiple lines of evidence. These practices are more likely to expose the processes of identity construction by rendering explicit the relationships among culture, ethnicity, and the use of emblemic material culture. It argues, thereby, for the provision of proof of this process rather than its assertion.

Some Caribbean archaeologists have assumed that the individuals buried beneath the central plazas of Saladoid sites in Puerto Rico lived in those villages during their lives. They interpret these central place burials as providing immediate access to the ancestors during ceremonies performed in this public space. The central plaza is viewed as the axis mundi, and through ancestor veneration the dead were called upon to intercede with the gods on behalf of the living. However, cross-cultural studies indicate that burial practices often are determined by descent, and those clan members whose postmarital residence was in communities other than their clan villages often were returned to their clan village for burial. It is argued here that central place burials do not reflect ancestor veneration, but rather social solidarity among widely scattered villages.

Pottery and clays from the Chalchihuites region of northwestern Zacatecas are characterized to examine ceramic production and exchange among settlements between A. D. 400 and 900. Instrumental neutron activation and petrographic analysis of 134 pottery and 26 clay samples from three Chalchihuites ceremonial centers identify pottery made from local clays and distinguish pottery found at each center that was not made from local clay deposits. Residents of Alta Vista, the region’s main center, acquired an elaborate painted ware from a second center located 30 km away after A. D. 650. The ceramic compositional data provide a basis for understanding the distance and direction that pottery was exchanged in Chalchihuites as economic activities increased in the region.

El objetivo de este trabajo es evaluar, a través del estudio de isótopos estables (δ13Cap, δ13Ccol y δ15N), paleodietas y patrones de subsistencia en grupos cazadores-recolectores de la transición pampeano-patagónica oriental (Argentina) durante el Holoceno medio-tardío (ca. 6000–250 aP). Se analizaron 44 individuos adultos de ambos sexos. Los resultados indican que durante el Holoceno medio los herbívoros terrestres, peces marinos y, posiblemente, pinnípedos tuvieron un rol importante en la dieta. Sin embargo, hacia el Holoceno tardío se observó un predominio en el consumo de herbívoros terrestres y peces fluviales, con la consecuente disminución en la ingesta de recursos marinos. También se detectó una ingesta mayor de vegetales a partir de aproximadamente 1000 aP. Durante el Holoceno medio y, probablemente, el Holoceno tardío inicial se registró una tendencia en la distribución espacial de los valores de isótopos estables, ya que los individuos enterrados hasta una distancia de aproximadamente 20 km de la costa presentan dietas marinas y mixtas, mientras que aquellos localizados a una distancia mayor (hasta ca. 130 km) se caracterizan por dietas terrestres. Estas diferencias podrían estar relacionadas con rangos de acción acotados o una demarcación del espacio que pudo involucrar comportamientos territoriales. Los cambios en la dieta a través del tiempo se asemejan a los reportados para el sudeste de Pampa Húmeda, ya que se observa una tendencia hacia una dieta más continental durante el Holoceno tardío.

Fifty years ago, Heyerdahl and Skjølsvold (1956, 1990) collected material from five archaeological sites in the Galápagos Islands. They retained earthenwares of possible precolumbian origin and discarded ceramic, metal, and glass artifacts postdating the arrival of the Spanish in A.D. 1535. Consequently, they argued that each site was formed as the results of a series of discard events from unrelated short-term occupations extending from the precolumbian to the historical era, and that the earthenwares represented occasional visits by fishermen from precolumbian Peru and Ecuador. In 2005, we re-excavated the sites and collected all the excavated materials. Our results show that each class of material, irrespective of age or origin, was distributed spatially and stratigraphically in the same pattern, contradicting the former assumption of multiple, unrelated occupations. We reject the palimpsest model in favor of the null hypothesis of single-phase site occupation. Analysis of putatively precolumbian pottery using optically-stimulated luminescence dating indicates that it is mostly of historical age. Radiocarbon dating confirms that the archaeological sites are younger than the sixteenth century. Research on sedimentary cores shows probable anthropogenic impacts as restricted to the last 500 years. We conclude that there was no human occupation in the Galápagos Islands until the historical era.

Recent excavations at the Late Archaic Period (ca. 3000-1000 B.C.) site of Kilometer 4 on the far south coast of Peru exposed a burial containing the remains of a 45-year-old male. The individual was buried with an unusual assemblage of artifacts that includes bone and shell implements and elaborate and distinctive cotton textiles, as well as a complex of paraphernalia of which some items were apparently associated with the use of hallucinogenic or other substances. Auditory exostoses indicate that the individual had engaged in maritime activities, including diving. Semi-flexed, single interment burials such as this are well known from the coast of northern Chile, but the use of cotton during the Archaic Period on the coast of the south-central Andes has not been well documented in the past.

This paper reevaluates the architectural remains atop Mount Tlaloc in light of recent contributions by Aveni et al. (1988), Broda (1989, 1991a, 1991b), and Townsend (1991). Evidence suggests that there were at least two phases of architectural activity on the mountain. An archaeoastronomical analysis of the ceremonial enclosure leads to the suggestion that the orientation of the structure reveals a paradigm marking out specific days by denoting positions of the sun-at-horizon events at intervals of 20 days. This may be a reference to the nemontemi days of the Mexican 365-day solar calendar. Mount Tlaloc also appears to be associated with other mountains through visual lines that correlate with sunrise on dates when ceremonies were performed in sanctuaries situated on prominent elevations.

Stingray spine use in Maya human bloodletting rituals has long been an accepted phenomenon. Recent work has suggested that intact spines may have been used and that the symptoms resulting from envenomation were an important part of the bloodletting ritual. Zoological and medical research, however, indicate that stingray toxins pose a more serious threat to human health than mere pain and inflammation. Medical studies conducted to track injuries resulting from stingray attacks report that some two-thirds of all cases result in tissue necrosis. Reconciling the use of stingray spines by the Maya with the physiological effects they present is crucial if we are to understand how the Maya viewed toxic marine materials and why they incorporated them in their ritual behaviors. Correlations between political events and stingray spine use may hold the key for understanding how these objects were articulated into the larger social and political sphere. We provide a discussion of the effects of stingray envenomation and the health risks inherent to the ritual use of stingray spines as bloodletters among the ancient Maya. Finally, we offer some possible explanations for the role of cleaned and defleshed spines in ritual contexts.

Moholy-Nagy"s (1990) discussion of the confusion of lithic-reduction sites (workshops) and workshop refuse dumps included criticism of a statement by Healan et al. (1983) as an example of such confusion. In reality no confusion is implied in the statement. Instead, Moholy-Nagy's criticism and the manner in which she defines her basic units reflect an overly narrow and simplistic conception of workshop and workshop dump.