In a recent report (Latin American Antiquity 11:283-299), Bruce Dahlin presents evidence from Chunchucmil, Yucatan, and other ancient lowland Maya centers, which indicates that low stone and earth barricade walls may have been important defensive constructions. He also postulates that population annihilation occurred during Maya warfare, particularly at Chunchucmil. In this commentary I explore alternative explanations regarding Maya defensive works and warfare derived from recent archaeological research and historic sources from the Maya lowlands. The existence of palisades or thorny bush on barricade walls, and more gradual abandonment of Maya sites during episodes of conflict, warrant further consideration and testing along with Dahlin"s intriguing hypotheses.

New ceramic compositional evidence has come to light that bears on the relationships among the cream paste ceramics of southeastern Mesoamerica. This evidence, which derives from instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) and microprobe analysis, suggests that Ivory ware, a Late and Terminal Formative diagnostic found in southern Guatemala, is chemically similar not to other Guatemalan light firing pottery, but to Formative and Classic period cream paste wares from western El Salvador and Honduras. El Salvador is the clearest region of overlap between the Late Formative (Ivory Usulután) and Classic (Chilanga, Gualpopa, and Copador) representatives of this chemically homogeneous cream paste tradition, and therefore we argue that the source zone for all of them lies somewhere in western El Salvador and not in Honduras or Guatemala. This inference contradicts (1) our own earlier hypothesis that Ivory ware originated somewhere in the Guatemalan highlands and (2) the hypothesis that cream paste Copador originated in the Copán Valley. If this inference is correct, then (1) the importance of ceramic circulation in the Late and Terminal Formative Providencia and Miraflores interaction spheres has been underestimated and (2) during the Classic period, Copán absorbed the productive capacity of western El Salvador (represented in this case by cream paste polychrome pottery) to a greater extent than has been appreciated previously.

This study explores the early use of obsidian at the Maya site of Colha in northern Belize and the implications that variations in source distribution have for the site and its regional connections. Energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence (EDXRF) analysis of 104 specimens of obsidian from Preclassic contexts at the site identified El Chayal obsidian as the most common overall followed closely by that from San Martin Jilotepeque. Ixtepeque obsidian, not common in many Preclassic assemblages, was also strongly represented. The results revealed a Middle Preclassic dependence on San Martin obsidian gradually diminishing through the Preclassic to the Classic period, when San Martin all but disappears from the site. A corresponding increase in El Chayal obsidian use through time at Colha coincides with the rise of Kaminaljuyu in the Guatemalan highlands. Analysis of the obsidian by context indicated that El Chayal obsidian dominated in architectural and ritual deposits while Ixtepeque obsidian was the most common in workshops. San Martin accounted for a slightly greater percentage than El Chayal obsidian in middens, with Ixtepeque materials notably less common. The data indicate that Colha was connected to a broad distribution network from the Middle Preclassic onward, and that obsidian source variability was greater during the Preclassic than the subsequent Classic period.

Chavín de Huántar is a Formative-period site (broadly 1500–200 B.C.) in the Peruvian Andes known for its highly complex art and monumental architecture. Recent excavations in the La Banda sector uncovered domestic settlements. The zooarchaeological analysis demonstrates that meat was locally produced and many bone tools were manufactured in this sector. These results contrast with previous faunal analysis from other parts of the site in which it was argued that dry camelid meat on the bone (ch’arki) was traded in exchange for local crops. The local economy of Chavín de Huántar was complex, showing different economic strategies across the site. While there is abundant evidence for the trade of lightweight exotic goods at the site (seashells, marine bone, obsidian, and cinnabar), the subsistence economy was locally focused.

An assemblage of modified bone remains from the site of Dos Pilas, Guatemala, in the southern Maya lowlands, is used to describe the raw materials, tools, techniques, and reduction strategies of Classic period Maya bone working. Most Maya bone artifact assemblages are not closely associated with production locales, are sparsely distributed across sites (rarely more than a few per household), and include primarily finished artifacts. In contrast, this large collection includes high frequencies of debitage from all stages of artifact production in a single spatially and temporally discrete locus—a residential group close to the main plaza of the site and occupied both before and after political disintegration of the Petexbatún hegemony. Comparative Petexbatún materials are used to suggest that although the Dos Pilas assemblage is unusually dense, the methods used by the bone crafters in this complex were similar to those used in all other periods and locations in the region and likely in the southern Maya lowlands as a whole. The Dos Pilas assemblage presents therefore an excellent model for Classic Maya bone-working.

This article presents archaeological information on the remains of five domestic dogs (Canis lupus familiaris) recovered from prehistoric sites in the lowlands of southeast Uruguay. The presence of canines in the archaeological record is associated with horticultural hunter-gatherer groups, who adapted to the changing conditions of flood-prone ecosystems during the late Holocene (ca. 3000 years BP). Three of the five specimens discussed were recovered from human burial mounds, prompting further discussion on the economic, social, and symbolic and ritual significance of these animals.

Over the last half-century, Maya archaeologists have variously identified “minor centers” as small-scale ceremonial or administrative centers, elite residential compounds, dower houses, manor houses, astronomical stations or markers, and boundary markers. Arguments for these identifications have ranged from simple assertions to elaborate analyses. What has emerged most clearly is that, as with any form of monolithic type, the “minor center” category—based in this case on relative size—represents something of a functionally mixed hodgepodge. Such architectural complexes in fact served and represented a multiplicity of as yet incompletely appreciated sociocultural functions and roles. We examine one such center, Nohoch Ek, and its likely role within the Late to Terminal Classic social landscape of the upper Belize Valley, based on investigations carried out by the authors in 1985, and by Michael Coe and William Coe in 1949. The study combines in-depth artifactual, depositional, and contextual analyses of an extensive body of data that was recovered using strategically placed purposive stripping and sampling trenches. We conclude that Classic period Nohoch Ek looked and functioned very much like a medieval European agricultural manor.

Recently, Inomata and colleagues (2014) proposed a revision to Shook and Popenoe de Hatch's (1999) chronology of Kaminaljuyu, recommending a new chronology based on detailed Bayesian analysis of the calibrated dates. In this article, I present data suggesting that Inomata and colleagues' proposed chronology should be viewed with caution, especially with regard to the apogee of Kaminaljuyu, the Verbena and Arenal phases. Furthermore, the impact of their revised chronology is overstated because the model of highland-to-lowland diffusion that they attack has long been moribund.

Archaeological data from the Jequetepeque Valley suggest that Late Moche warfare and religious sacrifice were embedded in a particular cosmological and gendered construction of the world. As a consequence, the pragmatic motives implicated in violent conflict were mediated by structures of practice specific to the Moche. An analysis of the archaeological record points to the existence of this cultural schema, the identification of which better explains the ascendancy of the famed priestess cult based at San José de Moro and the general decentralization of power in the Jequetepeque region. The evidence indicates that political relations in the valley were informed by a religious ideology that structured feasting, warfare, and sacrifice as specifically gendered but complementary domains. The spatial delimitation and sequential unfolding of ritual events were likely deemed essential for both socio-cosmic renewal and legitimate political advancement. This gendering of political and religious practices is reflected archaeologically in the division of centered and rural space and in the differential distribution of architectural forms, parochial feasting arenas, and iconographically charged artifacts. Ultimately, the archaeological record demonstrates that the political machinations of rural communities amplified this gendered sacrificial system within the context of the environmental upheavals of the Late Moche Period.

Las excavaciones arqueológicas y los registros bioantropológicos realizados en el archipiélago de los Chonos (entre 43° 50’ y 46° 50’ S), a lo largo de los canales occidentales de Patagonia, permiten definir la ocupación de este sistema insular por parte de cazadores recolectores marinos desde el Holoceno medio hasta el contacto europeo. Sus conjuntos tecnológicos y arqueofaunísticos señalan una dependencia de recursos del medio litoral y marítimo. La información de isótopos estables del carbono y nitrógeno en restos humanos asociados a estos contextos provee una herramienta de análisis independiente para evaluar las interpretaciones realizadas sobre la base de otros conjuntos de datos arqueológicos. Este trabajo presenta los resultados de análisis de δ13C y δ15N de 38 individuos con edades en el rango entre 2300 y 200 cal aP (fechamientos directos 14C por AMS), así como de muestras complementarias de arqueofauna. El análisis de los valores isotópicos respalda la interpretación de una adaptación cazadora recolectora fundamentada en un patrón de subsistencia enfocado principalmente en recursos litorales y marinos. Los valores de δ13C y δ15N son comparados con los obtenidos de otros grupos canoeros de los canales centrales y meridionales de Patagonia, poniendo de relieve las diferencias en trayectorias de subsistencia entre las regiones involucradas.

The archaeological setting of the La Tolita—Tumaco culture is briefly discussed as a framework for the examination of the metallurgy of the area, in particular the gold—platinum alloys used to make platinum-coated gold objects, platinum—gold sintered alloys, and platinum—gold foil—plated objects. The sophisticated approach to the manipulation of metallic materials resulted in several notable advances being made by the La Tolita—Tumaco culture: the production of extremely fine rectangular wire, bimetallic tumbaga alloys, small lead spheres inlaid with platinum, soldering, granulation, and a degree of sophistication to metalworking that is very impressive and, in some cases, unique in the world. Some selected examples are discussed, and the microstructure of a representative selection of the La Tolita material, bimetallic tumbaga construction, the initial sintered gold—platinum product, platinum-plated gold, and heavily worked gold—platinum composite artifacts are presented.

A two-year project of survey, surface collection, and excavation on the hill of Cerro Danush within the site of Dainzú-Macuilxóchitl in Oaxaca, Mexico, was focused on identifying and characterizing the Late Classic (A.D. 600–850/900) and Early Postclassic (A.D. 850/900–1300) components of the site, which coincide with the political fragmentation and reorganization of complex society within the Valley of Oaxaca. The transition in sociopolitical organization from the Classic to Postclassic has been the subject of several research projects, but few, if any, have clearly identified an Early Postclassic settlement. A radiocarbon analysis of charcoal samples collected during the excavation of a residential complex on Cerro Danush reveals its most recent period of occupation to be between A.D. 1000 and 1300, placing it firmly within the Early Postclassic. The excavation data are contextualized with data from the surface collection, illuminating patterns of Late Classic political fragmentation and Early Postclassic household resilience. Since Dainzú-Macuilxóchitl emerged in the Late Postclassic (A.D. 1300–1521) as a powerful city-state, exploring its Early Postclassic component contributes to the study of how societies reorganize on a local level after the collapse of centralized authority, such as the Classic period Monte Albán state.

The ethnographic, archaeological, and ethnohistorical data discussed in this report help shed light on the cultural processes and the resulting archaeological correlates (i.e., artifacts and features) linked with aquatic subsistence in Lake Cuitzeo, Michoacán, México. This information is vital for interpreting the archaeological record not just in the study area, but also in all those parts of West Mexico and elsewhere in Mesoamerica where lakes, rivers, marshes, and streams offered a natural bounty for human exploitation. The Lake Cuitzeo Basin was a key economic area for the prehispanic Tarascan state, thanks to its wealth of mineral resources (primarily obsidian and salt). Although non-agricultural resources such as fish, wild plants, aquatic fowl and other wildlife were probably no less important for human subsistence than the area’s mineral riches, they have seldom been taken systematically into consideration by archaeologists in this part of Mesoamerica. This ethnoarchaeological research sheds light on ancient subsistence through the study of contemporary activities such as fishing, hunting, and gathering wild plants, and the associated material culture and work areas. This ethnographic information, as well as the extant ethnohistorical and archaeological records, offer an insight into prehispanic subsistence activities, which is critical for a better understanding of cultural and ecological adaptation in the study area through time.

Settlement research at Copán, Honduras, since 1984 has produced the largest set of obsidian-hydration dates from excavated contexts available for Mesoamerica (Webster and Freter 1990). Geoffrey Braswell (1992) has criticized the methodology underlying our research, specific associations of our published data, and particularly our reconstruction of a demographic and political decline at Copán that extended well beyond A.D. 900. Braswell has incorrectly characterized the Copan Obsidian Hydration Dating Project’s methodology, and makes many factual errors in assessing the Copán data. In this paper the authors correct these errors, discuss basic issues of obsidian-hydration-dating methodology, and offer new data from Copán to evaluate the efficacy of hydration dating as a method and its potential future application for Mesoamerica as a whole.

Off-mound excavations at a residential group near the site of Dos Hombres, Belize have revealed a series of unusual modifications to the limestone bedrock. The primary purpose of these modifications appears to have been to facilitate drainage of excess surface and subsurface moisture during periods of heavy rain. By utilizing a variation of lithic mulching in the soil, however, the Maya also may have been able to slow the loss of moisture through evaporation during lengthy dry periods. We suggest that these finds reflect soil and water management in house-lot gardening, and that these measures were necessary to overcome localized geologic, pedologic, and regional climatologic conditions. The use of such a drainage system together with gravel fill at the household level is previously unreported in the Maya Lowlands, and represents an important line of inquiry into gardens as ancient agricultural production systems.

Long and Fritz argue that AMS dates on early maize were rejected because MacNeish suspected they were contaminated with bedacryl. In fact a letter from MacNeish to Long in 1988 addressed several possible explanations for the problems with the dates. The dates were rejected because they were inconsistent with well-established stratigraphic sequences and associated artifacts and ecofacts. The evidence is briefly summarized here, and the inconsistencies in the Arizona dates pointed out. It appears that the problem lies less with possible contamination with bedacryl, and more with the treatment of the samples by the Arizona laboratory.

Excavations at the ancient Maya city of Holmul, Petén, have led to the discovery of a building decorated with an intricately carved and painted plaster frieze. The iconography of the frieze portrays seated lords, mountain spirits, feathered serpents, and gods of the underworld engaged in the apparent rebirth of rulers as sun gods. Large emblems carved on the side of the building identify the structure as a shrine for ancestor veneration. A dedicatory text carved along the bottom of the frieze contains a king list and references to the political and familial ties of the ruler who commissioned the temple. Together, the iconography and text of this structure provide evidence of function and meaning. They also shed new light on a century during Classic Maya history known as the Tikal “Hiatus,” for which a limited number of texts are available. The information derived from this monument also broadens our understanding of the nature of hegemonic relationships among Classic Maya states.

The internal structure of Maya governing elites has been much debated over the last decade. In the perspective of that debate, I propose a model of political organization at Copán at the end of the Late Classic (A. D. 750-800) based on a reinterpretation of two monuments that depict members of the governing elite, each one wearing a pectoral. The analysis of the pectorals leads to the identification of two functional groups, priests and warriors. Sovereignty incorporates both functions and is embodied in a diarchy where a coruler is adjoined to the ruler. Rulers and corulers come from the two opposing groups who, with each succession to power, exchange these roles. The executive branch, which comprises the ruler and his coruler, four ministers and four war captains, is counterbalanced by a council of nine lords. Furthermore, there are some indications that each functional group was a corporate descent group that had its own territory in the valley and its own traditions. The relations between the two groups conditioned the history of the royal dynasty, from its foundation in A. D. 426 until its collapse in A. D. 822.

We use neutron-activation analysis data on Formative- and Classic-period pottery along with analyses of modern ceramics and raw materials to examine changes in ceramic production and consumption on the central Guatemalan Pacific slope at the beginning of the Classic period. In particular, we wonder if the processes that generated regional distributions of two Formative-period wares (White Paste and Fine Red) were the same as or different from the processes that generated regional distribution of Classic-period Flesh ware. We identify probable production zones for the three regionally distributed wares based on raw-material analyses, consideration of the geological context of different zones, and distributional evidence. We find major differences between production/consumption of the Formative and Classic regionally distributed wares. This reinforces the notion that some kind of dramatic historical discontinuity affected the lives of Pacific-slope people around A. D. 200.

Exchange goods contribute to social complexity and identity construction, but our knowledge of past practices associated with the circulation and consumption of such goods is limited. We explore the polished black ceramics of the San Pedro de Atacama oasis in northern Chile, which were widely traded during the first seven centuries A.D. In particular, we consider the relationships established between the agricultural and pastoral communities of the highland oases and the marine hunter-gatherers who inhabited the Pacific coast in order to examine the circulation and consumption of exotics as prestige goods.