Exchange goods contribute to social complexity and identity construction, but our knowledge of past practices associated with the circulation and consumption of such goods is limited. We explore the polished black ceramics of the San Pedro de Atacama oasis in northern Chile, which were widely traded during the first seven centuries A.D. In particular, we consider the relationships established between the agricultural and pastoral communities of the highland oases and the marine hunter-gatherers who inhabited the Pacific coast in order to examine the circulation and consumption of exotics as prestige goods.

Excavaciones en las tierras altas del occidente de la Puna de Atacama han identificado una estructura templaria datada entre los 2630 ± 60 a 2490 ± 80 a.P. (no calibradas) en el centro de un montículo ocupacional estratificado, inserta en un asentamiento aldeano pastoralista. La arquitectura monumental registrada en el sitio Tulán-54, perteneciente a la fase Tilocalar (3030 ± 70 a 2380 ± 70 a.P.) es contemporánea con el período Formativo Temprano del altiplano central y meridional. Sin embargo, de acuerdo a su patrón arquitectónico e indicadores culturales no presenta analogía con el área centro sur andina. Un análisis cronoestratigráfico, contextual y tecnológico, permitió establecer una secuencia Arcaico-Formativa, incluyendo una fase transicional entre ambos períodos y caracterizar a la vez el desarrollo ocupacional del montículo. Estas evidencias permiten proponer que el proceso circumpuneño de emergencia de complejidad sociocultural tendría un carácter autónomo e independiente de las relaciones pan-andinas en términos de núcleo-periferia.

Archaeological residues of ritual are often ephemeral, and reconstructing the dynamics of performed actions that create deposits can be difficult. Rituals associated with the dead are common across many cultures since all human groups have specific means of disposing of corpses. Evidence of peri- and postmortem manipulation of human remains, such as cutting, dismemberment, or disarticulation can provide details of the sequence of actions performed related to the circumstances surrounding death and the possible social meaning of those behaviors. Cut marks observed on the upper chest and throat of 93 percent of 117 children and men found interred at the Temple of the Sacred Stone at Túcume, Peru are consistent with three symbolic behaviors: cutting the throat, opening the chest cavity, and decapitation. This patterning of skeletal trauma demonstrates that a highly elaborate series of violent ritual behaviors was carried out on a regular basis at this location, beginning in the Late Intermediate Period (∼A.D. 1100) through to the end of the Late Horizon Inca occupation of the site around A.D. 1532. The recent finds of bioarchaeological evidence of ritual violence across the Andes suggests that, although rare, these mortuary remains provide important clues to the elaborate nature of ritual behaviors at different sites.

This article examines the significance of outlying groups in the spatial organization of Classic Maya settlements. The relative scarcity of textual records concerning outlying groups has often made it difficult for researchers to analyze in detail the political interactions between individuals associated with these groups and the royal authority. The recent discovery of a hieroglyphic stairway at the Guzmán Group, an outlying group of El Palmar, Campeche, Mexico, provides an exceptional opportunity for understanding the constitutive process of spatial organization during the Late and Terminal Classic periods (ca. A.D. 600-900). Epigraphic studies of the Guzmán Group stairway have identified a main individual who emphasized his genealogical ties to lakam (banner-bearer) officials and his political relationship with foreign rulers of Copán and Calakmul. The results of archaeological and epigraphic studies suggest that the Guzmán Group was a locus for negotiating power and ideology among different social actors.

Early occupation at Nixtun-Ch'ich’, on the western edge of Lake Petén Itzá, is dated by two ceramic complexes, K'as and Chich. These represent the Late and Terminal Early Preclassic or the early and late “Pre-Mamom” periods, respectively (ca. 1300–800 BC), including a “Transitional” period incorporating Nix Middle Preclassic (Mamom) pottery. Comparisons with complexes at other sites in the region permit the dating of 10 construction loci, including 3 in the civic-ceremonial core. Low late Pre-Mamom platforms were raised and expanded in Transitional and Early Middle Preclassic times, when they were elaborated into two E-Groups and a Triadic Structure on the central axis. This building activity is interpreted in terms of cooperative or corporate labor organization and related to evolutionary game theory. The ritual foundation of such organization is evident in the site's gridded layout based on a mythical world-creation crocodile.

Recent excavations of the Spanish Colonial Maya communities of Lamanai and Tipu, Belize, combine with extensive ethnohistorical research to provide guidelines for the location of other Historic-period sites in the region. We present brief case studies of community-location data from the ethnohistorical record, followed by observations regarding survey expectations and approaches appropriate to identification of Spanish Colonial-period sites. Though rooted in Belize experience, the strategies outlined should prove applicable throughout the Maya Lowlands, and perhaps beyond the region's borders as well.

The ballgame, played in an open-air public facility, was an integral institution for most major Mesoamerican centers. Although its social roles likely included political and social mediation among polities or communities, who could witness a game? Our estimates of the numbers of viewers derive from lines of sight toward the playing alley from nearby construction and plazas or other open ground. Focusing on centers in south-central and southern Veracruz, Mexico, we assess court viewership relative to people accommodated in the main plaza to determine the degree to which prime ballgame viewership was restricted. Ratios of prime viewers to plaza capacities for primary and secondary centers show that relative limitations in viewership did not covary consistently with the settlement hierarchy. We show that viewership was markedly curtailed compared to public assembly space in plazas and likely favored the upper echelons of society.

Tututepec was a regional capital that dominated much of southern Oaxaca, Mexico, during the Late Postclassic period (A.D. 1100-1522). This article synthesizes the results of compositional (neutron activation and petrography), stylistic, and iconographic analyses of pottery from commoner household excavations at Tututepec to address questions concerning ceramic production and distribution and also to shed light on aspects of political economy and domestic ritual at the capital. The study focuses primarily on Mixteca-Puebla polychromes, painted serving vessels bearing complex decorative motifs. Our compositional analyses, interpreted in light of the bedrock geology of the region, indicate that commoners obtained at least six to ten distinct varieties of pottery made from raw materials available locally within greater Tututepec. We argue that households probably acquired pottery through a central marketplace at the capital. In addition, our study demonstrates that commoners had regular access to polychromes from multiple producers, challenging the widespread notion that these vessels were restricted to elites who controlled their production. We argue that polychrome serving vessels played a prominent role in commonly occurring domestic rituals. Furthermore, commoners appear to have consciously selected vessels painted with imagery associated with warfare and sacrifice, suggesting that they actively supported the official imperial ideology of Tututepec.

One of the most serious limitations in studies of prehistoric hunter-gatherer societies based on the archaeological record has been the difficulty of establishing distinctions among groups that inhabited a given area at the same time. This article suggests that, at least during a period ranging from 3000 B.C. to A.D. 1000, the Central Chilean Andes, specifically the Maipo River Valley, was occupied by two groups of hunter-gatherers that were distinct enough for us to propose that they were actually two different social units.

Coastal–highland relationships were important in the development, expansion, and collapse of ancient societies in Nasca, Peru. Connections between the regions began with the earliest occupants and extended through Inca rule; they consisted of the exchange of goods, sharing of ideas, migration, and political dominance. By the end of the Early Intermediate period (Late Nasca, AD 500–650), highland relationships intensified, and during the Middle Horizon (AD 650–1000), Nasca for the first time came under highland control as the Wari Empire brought transformations to the region. By the end of the Middle Horizon, Wari had collapsed, and much of the Nasca drainage was abandoned. People emigrated from the region, probably because of drought coupled with political and social instability. When Nasca was repopulated (ca. AD 1200) in the Late Intermediate period, a new type of society developed that was likely the result of large numbers of highland immigrants.

Residential mounds are basic units of archaeological analysis, yet their formation rarely is considered systematically. Large earthen residential mounds, classified by Tourtellot (1983:43, 50) as “tells,” are characteristic of Veracruz and of many Preclassic sites. These low, broad mounds are larger than a house mound, commonly the size of a Maya plazuela group (Stark 1991a:45), and represent the remains of one or more structures. Data on the stratification and artifact characteristics of a Classic-period mound in La Mixtequilla, Veracruz, permit reconstruction of six major formation processes that contribute to the growth of earthern residential mounds. The formation processes of these "tells in miniature" and the relative quantity of fill vs. accretionary growth have important implications for the interpretation of household size, status, and other demographic and social variables.

In response to Smith’s critique, we situate our work within the scientific method. We review how our hypotheses arose, how and by whom they have been tested, and with what results. Like Smith, we focus on whether Maya civic centers include emphatic expression of a north-south axis, and on the inference of a partially cosmological basis of Maya axial orders. We indicate sources of our inferences and review explicitly the criteria that Smith faults us for having omitted. We reaffirm that these ideas merit further testing, and welcome renewed and expanded collaboration as to the best methods for doing so. In the spirit of collaboration, we offer specific programmatic suggestions for how this inquiry might proceed.

A long-standing understanding of the Maya highlands suggests that the Postclassic period was characterized by increased warfare and conflict over the preceding Classic period, as seen in settlement patterns and defensive features. Based on recent archaeological work in Guatemala's western highlands, we argue that the archaeological evidence does not support this conclusion; defensive characteristics are also common in the Classic period. Drawing on examples from the Huista-Acatec region of the Cuchumatán Mountains, a typology of defensive characteristics is presented, along with comparative examples elsewhere in the Maya highlands. We suggest that these material correlates of defensibility, while showing that conflict was a central concern in both the Classic and Postclassic periods, lay the foundation for future studies of warfare in the Maya highlands. These insights have implications for the study of settlement pattern defensibility beyond the Maya highlands, including the construction and use of defensive feature typologies, the appropriateness of categorizing societies as either peaceful or militaristic, and the wider identification of cultural continuity.

During the Formative period (ca. 1000 B.C.-A.D. 250) at the site of Yarumela in central Honduras, an indigenous society developed that was constructing monumental architecture well before 400 B.C. Experimentation with new building materials and techniques reached a peak ca. A.D. 200 just prior to the site's abandonment, by which time religious temples and elite residences had undergone a transition from simple pole-and-thatch structures to more complex adobe and stone constructions. Overall labor investment in monumental architecture may, on the other hand, actually have declined during this same period.

James Aimers and colleagues consider the social meaning and function of round structures, a poorly understood but significant architectural feature of many Preclassic Maya sites. Based on my own work on the connection between such structures and the development of social stratification and changes in the relations between households and the state, I offer additional examples of the location and role of these structures in order to expand on the insights offered by Aimers et al.

We reassess San Estevan's role within the Late Formative period political geography of northern Belize. This medium-sized site has been interpreted as a subsidiary center to Nohmul that ruled the area along with Cerros, Lamanai, and Colha (Scarborough 1991). It has also been suggested that scores of autonomous polities existed in the region at this time (McAnany 1995). We examine these contrasting models in light of our recent excavations in the central precinct of San Estevan. These excavations reveal a stratigraphic sequence of Middle through Late Formative period deposits. Excavations document that the central part of the site was plastered over after 50 cal. B.C.—at roughly the same time as monumental construction projects were also started at Cerros, Nohmul, and Lamanai. San Estevan's central Mound XV was built on these plaster surfaces during the Late Formative period as was the adjacent ballcourt. Based on our new excavation data we suggest that San Estevan was an independent polity during the Late Formative period. Further, we propose that San Estevan competed, and engaged in warfare, with other medium and large regional centers and was one of ~12 independent polities forming a political patchwork across northern Belize.

The site El Indígeno contains the greatest known concentration of hunter-gatherer residential features in the southern Andes. Located at 3,300 m asl in a meadow in the Cordillera of west-central Argentina, the site is notable for its 133 habitation structures, that—when considered along with the other characteristics of the site—represent an anomalous but perhaps not entirely unexpected adaptation to the highest altitude environment in the region. Based on radiocarbon dating and artifact typologies, the site was occupied between ca. 800 and 1500 B.P. It consequently represents the latest step in the indigenous colonization of what is arguably the most marginal environment in the region. This chronology suggests that the site was occupied when nearby lowland regions were under their most intensive use and during a time when new resources were incorporated into the high-altitude hunter-gatherer diet. In this article I report on research conducted at El Indigeno and compare the results of these studies to the regional record, ultimately concluding that regional population increase affiliated with the spread of increasingly complex socioeconomic systems most parsimoniously explains the intensive occupation of this large, high-altitude hunter-gatherer site.

El objetivo de este trabajo es discutir la relevancia de la localidad arqueológica Laguna de los Pampas en el estudio de las ocupaciones humanas del Campo de Dunas del Centro Pampeano (subregión Pampa Húmeda) durante el Holoceno. Un hallazgo relevante lo constituyen tres huevos de ñandú enteros y semienterrados, con perforaciones que sugieren su utilización como contenedor de líquido. Si bien la laguna fue habitada a lo largo del todo el Holoceno, las dataciones radiocarbónicas del sector excavado ubican a las ocupaciones humanas en el Holoceno medio (entre ca. 7000 y 5800 aP). Para este lapso se determinó que la explotación faunística estuvo orientada al consumo del guanaco, pero con un fuerte complemento de otros taxones como ñandú, venado de las Pampas y especies de menor tamaño. Se registró una tecnología ósea estandarizada sobre huesos de guanaco. Las rocas proceden principalmente del sistema serrano de Tandilia, aunque se identifican materias primas de otras áreas como el oeste pampeano. Las similitudes en las estrategias de producción y usos de los instrumentos con otros sitios de la subregión Pampa Húmeda sugieren el empleo de una misma concepción tecnológica a escala regional durante el Holoceno medio y la interacción con grupos cazadores-recolectores que ocupaban los pastizales pampeanos.

En Cuba, la orientación de los entierros aborígenes del período arcaico ha sido objeto de especulación e indagación por parte de numerosos especialistas. Dentro de la arqueología del Caribe ha llamado la atención la propuesta de algunos arqueólogos de la mayor de las Antillas relacionada con la dependencia del este como punto cardinal y la orientación de los cráneos de los primeros habitantes. Sin embargo, los elementos discutidos en este artículo demuestran que las orientaciones de estos entierros en cuevas generalmente se relacionan con el lugar de acceso al espacio fúnebre y las partes naturales que limitan el acceso al lugar.

Investigations at several northern Peruvian coastal archaeological sites by archaeologists and physical anthropologists are beginning to provide details on long-term patterning of mortuary behavior. Some of these patterns include retainer sacrifice, child sacrifice, and the metaphorical principle we refer to as “like with like.” In this paper, we discuss the data relating to these mortuary patterns discovered at the site of Santa Rita B in the middle Chao Valley. Examples of each of the patterns presented are evident at the site. These include at least three child sacrifices and one adult sacrifice. The sacrifices appear to be retainer sacrifices, defined as sacrifices intended to accompany a deceased principal personage in the afterlife. The inclusion of the child sacrifices with a subadult principal burial is part of the “like with like” pattern seen here and at other Andean sites. Dating to the start of the Late Intermediate period (ca. A.D. 1100–1300), these finds are compared to other north coastal sites, both earlier and later, and the extent of temporal continuity in these patterns is discussed.