Maya figurine styles from the Late Classic to Postclassic periods (ca. AD 600–1521) from central Petén, Guatemala undergo an abrupt change at the Terminal Classic-Postclassic transition (ca. AD 830–1000). Despite the intimate association of figurines with households, such shifts parallel those on stone monuments and decorated vessels, underscoring the role of figurines in processes of political upheaval. Documenting figurine chronologies over broad periods of time, however, tells us little about how people in the past may have experienced temporal changes. Thus, in concert with a focus on figurine chronologies, this article explores the temporalities of figurines as manifested through their discard, the simultaneous experience of old and new figurine styles, and tensions between personal and monumental time.

In a recent comment Michael Smith argues that the cosmological interpretations of Maya urban layouts proposed in an article by Ashmore and Sabloff are vague and unconvincing. He also summarizes some other comparable studies in order to show that arguments for the cosmological significance of archaeologically recovered urban patterns are, in general, subjective and lack methodological rigor. I argue that his view is an unwarranted generalization and that his references to some archaeoastronomical interpretations do not adequately reflect the advances in this field of research and its relevance for the understanding of ancient city plans. I summarize the results of several studies in Mesoamerica, focusing on Teotihuacan and the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan discussed by Smith, to show that rigorous methods not only have been applied in archaeoastronomical research but also have resulted in explicit conclusions about specific aspects of worldview and political ideology underlying Mesoamerican architecture and urbanism.

This paper presents the results of obsidian characterization analyses for Middle and Late Postclassic sites in the Yautepec Valley of Morelos, central Mexico. A large sample (N = 390) of obsidian blades from excavated domestic contexts at the site of Yautepec and from surface collected contemporary sites were assigned to a quarry source using X-ray fluorescence (XRF), and a subsample was also analyzed with instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). The use of XRF allowed the authors to expand the number of artifacts initially analyzed by INAA. These larger samples of sourced material prove essential to answering research questions regarding regional economies, particularly with regard to issues such as production and exchange. This study demonstrates the complementarity of XRF and INAA and the specific advantages inherent in each of these techniques.

Time is an abstract concept that has been examined relatively less by Americanist archaeologists as compared to Europeanists. The lack of consideration of time is particularly curious among Mayanists, because the Classic Maya assiduously recorded events in the lives of rulers and their kingdoms according to time's passage in multiple, precisely calibrated calendars. This essay examines some of the ways in which time has been conceptualized, and its political and economic roles explored, by anthropologists, sociologists, historians, and others. I apply these findings to the evolution of calendars in Mesoamerica and their function in underwriting early leadership positions, such as that of shamans or “daykeepers.” I explore the role of time in structuring late (Postclassic) Maya geopolitical organization and the possibility that such principles also guided that of the Classic Maya. Time, calendars, and particularly the movements of the sun came to be viewed as being “controlled” by Maya sacred kings, aided by their retinue of daykeepers/calendar priests. This awesome cosmopolitical power led to the identification of the king with the sun and his legitimization through control of the means of social and cosmic reproduction.

The consumer aspect of stone-tool manufacture is an important factor for lithic studies concerned with craft specialization and exchange systems. The dynamic nature of stone-tool production/exchange/use systems can be understood through a technological analysis of producer site assemblages and a functional and technological examination of consumer sites. Chipped-stone assemblages from the producer site of Colhá, Belize, and the consumer site of Santa Rita Corozal, Belize, indicate opposing but interdependent roles within the same exchange system. Preclassic formal tools such as the oval biface and stemmed macroblade were manufactured at workshops in Colhá and exhibit a high degree of specialization and standardization in manufacture. These formal tools were then exchanged beyond the chert-bearing zone of northern Belize to consumer sites such as Santa Rita. Once these formal tools entered the consumption sphere they were used, broken, discarded, or recycled into a variety of second-order expedient tools.

Analyses of archaeological data from the La Entrada region in northwestern Honduras demonstrate that central-place theory applies to the regional settlement system during the Late Classic period. The configuration of the regional central-place system appears to have been oriented to the local exchange of subsistence goods and to the minimization of energy expenditure in their movement. The distribution patterns of obsidian artifacts vary significantly among the hypothetical sustaining areas of centers, corroborating the reconstruction of a central-place system. This also suggests that political factors affected the circulation of certain materials and that basic economic spatial units in Classic Maya society were relatively small.

This article presents an archaeobotanical analysis from the site of San Carlos, a small Early/Middle Formative period homestead situated in the Coatzacoalcos River basin in the southern Veracruz lowlands, approximately 9 km southeast of San Lorenzo. Although archaeobotanical data from the Olmec heartland have become more widely reported in recent years, we still lack sufficient data to capture regional and temporal variation in plant foodways. Thus, we report the macrobotanical data from San Carlos and provide a quantitative comparison with existing data sets from other southern Veracruz sites with Early and Middle Formative components (La Joya and Tres Zapotes). Comparative analysis reveals that these three sites vary dramatically in terms of the ubiquity and abundance of maize, in addition to the frequencies of different fruit types. We interpret these differences in terms of (1) settlement location with respect to geographical positioning in terms of access to riverine wetlands and their resources and (2) their association with areas of developing sociopolitical power structures.

Este artigo apresenta um processo de ocupação de grupos construtores de cerritos no sítio arqueológico Pontal da Barra, localizado no estuário da Laguna dos Patos, sul do Brasil. Ocupado entre 2500 e 1800 anos aP como área de acampamentos e, posteriormente, entre 1800 e 1200 anos aP como área de ocupação permanente, o Pontal da Barra foi abandonado por volta de 1000 anos aP. Esse processo é evidenciado arqueologicamente pela complexificação de estruturas arquitetônicas monticulares e suas áreas adjacentes, pelo manejo de sedimento interno nos montículos, além dos aspectos multifuncionais e monumentais dos aterros. Como parte de um território regional, o banhado do Pontal da Barra se tornou um espaço significativo no domínio espacial dos grupos cerriteiros. O sítio foi sistematicamente ocupado ao longo de 1.500 anos, compondo uma comunidade de pescadores, agentes de uma história indígena de longa duração.

A common property regime was established at the founding of the Maya site of Actuncan, Belize, in the Terminal Preclassic period (175 BC–AD 300), which governed access to land until the Terminal Classic period (AD 780–1000). This interpretation is based on urban settlement patterns documented through household excavation and remote-sensing programs. Excavations of all visible patio-focused groups in the urban core provided data to reconstruct residential histories, and a 60,621 m2 gradiometer survey resulted in a magnetic gradient map that was used to document buried constructions. Twenty ground-truth testpits correlated types of magnetic signatures to buried patio-focused groups and smaller constructions, including walled plots in agricultural field systems that were later exposed more fully through large-scale excavations. Combined, these methods provided data to reconstruct four correlates of land tenure systems: (1) the spatial proximity of residential units to land and resources, (2) diachronic changes in community settlement patterns, (3) land subdivision and improvements, and (4) public goods. Spatial analyses documented that houselots did not cluster through time, but instead became gradually improved, lending evidence to suggest the transgenerational inheritance of property rights in the Late and Terminal Classic periods.

This paper develops ideas first presented in "The Moche Revolt of the Objects" (Quilter 1990). It suggests that while the thematic approach to Moche iconography is useful, application of an approach that assumes that the themes are segments of a narrative will increase our understanding of the myths behind Moche art. After discussing the basis on which narrative may be inferred from art, the narrative approach is applied to demonstrate how known Moche artistic themes may be placed in sequence. Some previous uncertainties regarding iconographic figures are resolved, and part of the Moche mythic corpus is presented.

Across the Americas, but particularly in the Amazon Basin, precolumbian farmers invested their labor in features such as canals, causeways, and raised fields, creating agricultural landscapes. These landscapes required organized action in order to build and maintain them. Such actions can be usefully described as "tasks" to draw specific connections between communal work and landscape features (Ingold 1993). Using two parallel examples from the precolumbian Bolivian Amazon, this article presents landscape features as correlates of the variety and scale of tasks that compose the processes of creating and managing them. Data come from remote sensing and pedestrian survey. The execution of some tasks affects the execution of others, meaning that landscapes are the result of overlapping, interdependent communal tasks. This taskscape perspective allows landscapes to be compared with greater precision and shows that details of local spatial and task organization are important to understanding agricultural change. The comparison of two taskscapes reveals details of daily life and intensive agriculture that are obscured by the classification of societies as states or chiefdoms.

The recovery of obsidian artifacts in radiometrically dated cultural stratigraphic levels at the Maya site of Cahal Pech (Belize) suggests that there was a flake-to-bladelet sequence of development of obsidian technology in the Belize Valley region of the Maya lowlands. Obsidian artifacts within levels dating to the first half of the early Middle Formative period (1000-850 B.C.) at Cahal Pech consist exclusively of flakes. Prismatic blades first occur in late Middle Formative (650-450 B.C.) levels, and remain the predominant artifact type throughout the subsequent Late Formative and Classic periods. This Middle Formative transition in obsidian artifacts has been recorded elsewhere in Mesoamerica, but the Cahal Pech data represent the first explicitly documented case of the developmental sequence in the central Maya lowlands.

We present quantitative data on population size and plaza area in three groups of ancient Mesoamerican settlements: a sample of 30 Late Postclassic cities and towns from throughout Mesoamerica and two regional settlement systems from the Classic period, including south-central Veracruz (the Mixtequilla) and the Palenque region. Plaza size scales with population in a sublinear relationship in all three groups, meaning that larger settlements had considerably less plaza area per capita than smaller settlements. These results suggest that the currently popular interpretation drawn from Classic Maya archaeology that plazas were places designed to hold the entire urban population for passive viewing of spectacles may be incomplete. We argue that the observed quantitative relationships between population and plaza area support the notion that plazas were designed to be used for a variety of purposes—including several types of ceremonies and marketplaces—held at different times following a regular schedule.

Este trabajo proporciona datos sobre las recientes excavaciones llevadas a cabo en la estructura de Akapana, Tiwanaku, Bolivia. Esta es la construcción religiosa más masiva y alta del sitio. Después de mencionar algunos datos de las temporadas de campo 1988 y 1989, se describe una serie de restos parciales humanos articulados, ubicados en un ángulo remetido del sector norte de la estructura. Los autores ofrecen una serie de hipótesis alternativas para explicar este patrón, poniendo especial énfasis en la componente ritual.

We present new regional settlement pattern data from the eastern Soconusco region, Chiapas, Mexico, including a detailed reconstruction of the first millennium A.D. occupation of the site of Izapa. Results from an initial campaign of light detection and ranging (lidar) data acquisition and analysis of systematically collected surface remains document the full extent of the Classic-period occupation of Izapa. These lidar and pedestrian survey data also illustrate how people were distributed across the landscape from 100 B.C. to A.D. 1000 (Hato to Remanso phases). Survey results indicate significant population increase during the Terminal Formative (A.D. 100–300) and initial Early Classic (A.D. 300–400) periods, followed by a virtual abandonment of both piedmont and low-hills survey zones from A.D. 400 to A.D. 700. The population increased in both survey zones during the Late and Terminal Classic periods (A.D. 700–1000) coinciding with the presence of a large regional center in the low-hills zone and 46 secondary centers recorded within the 400-km2 area covered by the lidar survey. These secondary centers consist of numerous small mounds around circular or square plazas. Together, the results of the lidar study and systematic pedestrian survey offer the first glimpse of population dynamics and political organization in the area around Izapa during the first millennium A.D.

Figurines and figurine fragments excavated at Aguateca, Petén, Guatemala, have unprecedented contextual information. Because the site's epicenter was rapidly abandoned, we have recovered whole and reconstructible figurines from floor contexts in elite residences. In contrast to most Maya sites, these figurines are part of assemblages that were in use or storage when the structures were abandoned, providing a unique opportunity to investigate their function and use. In addition, numerous figurine fragments were recovered from middens associated with these structures. In conjunction with the figurines found on floors, these fragments point to a domestic use of the figurines. The distributions of the in situ figurines in the elite residences suggest that they were used and possibly made by the women of these households. The study of this data set contributes to our understanding of Late Classic elite household activities and social and gender roles. A preponderance of male figurines, many of them warriors, may be related to this center's frequent engagements in warfare.

Corporate political strategies (Blanton et al. 1996) that privilege power-sharing over exclusionary tactics are recognized to be important yet understudied forms of political behavior in early complex polities. I present the case of the Tequila valleys of western Mexico to illustrate several points about this corporate system: that the component descent groups can be recognized through their different approaches to architectural construction and burial patterns; that they form groups of counterpoised lineages that shared power; that the relationships between these groups become more fixed and hierarchical across different scales of architecture; and that there are distinct strata within the burial patterns that separate power-sharing groups from the rest of the community. It may be easier to identify and trace aspects of political organization here than in complex and layered urban settings that have been the focus of similar research.

Meggers's critique of views presented by DeBoer et al. (1996), Wüst and Barreto (1999), and Heckenberger et al. (1999) in Latin American Antiquity misrepresents these authors and others. Her criticisms, largely directed at the present authors, obfuscate fundamental points raised regarding the nature and variability of cultural formations and economic patterns in Amazonia. By conflating indigenous resource management systems, which we discuss, with mechanized development strategies of the modern world, she creates an unnecessarily polemical atmosphere for debate.

The fall of the Early Postclassic capital of Chichen Itza is generally described in native chronicles as the result of a widespread revolt of native Yucatec Maya against the Itzá rulers of northern Yucatan. This historic event was the outcome of complex social, economic, and ecological processes that ultimately led to the weakening and dissolution of the Itzá polity. The historic legends that trace the fall of the Itzá are a superficial manifestation of deeper problems, which likely included tense relations with subjugated peoples, excess economic and human tribute, overpopulation, scarcities of land and agricultural resources, and possible climatological changes resulting in drought. The Itzá economy was linked to all these processes, but as they primarily were focused on the exploitation of coastal resources and long-distance trade, they failed to establish a viable economic system in the interior. This failure, coupled with the overexploitation of a declining social and economic resource base, led to the Itzá collapse. This essay presents a preliminary discussion of these processes.

Specialized production forms an important component of the socioeconomic organization of ancient complex societies. Excavation provides critical information on the internal organization of production within a particular workshop and permits the recovery of features not preserved on the surface. In large settlements like Teotihuacan where modern occupation covers much of the ancient city, it is not feasible to fully excavate every suspected craft production locale. At Teotihuacan and in other complex societies, the use of surface indications to generate thematic maps permits discussion of the spatial relationships between economic and social units within the settlement. I use the surface collections made by the Teotihuacan Mapping Project and the partial excavation of one apartment compound and ceramic workshop in the Tlajinga district to consider the organization of specialized production in this neighborhood. I rely on the co-occurrence of ceramic production indicators to define likely workshops, using the surface collections from the excavated workshop as a reasonable indicator of production. Considering the evidence for vessel form specialization and dimensional standardization and previous ethnoarchaeological analyses of the excavated materials, Tlajinga district pottery production appears to have been maximally organized at the community level, with individual apartment compounds forming the basic production units.