Leo Panitch is at the same time far too generous and mistaken when he sees my book as representing the coming of the monopoly stage in the development of the growth industry of corporatism. If I were, by writing the first book-length work on the theory of corporatism, to succeed in cornering the vigorous international market in ideas, then this would be praise indeed. Of course, the notion is absurd and is as flawed as Panitch's reading of the book.

During the last fifteen years carefully prepared population forecasts have appeared for nearly every important country possessed of reasonably adequate vital statistics and census records. With the general recognition of essential differences between the behaviour of bugs in a bottle and homo sapiens “in leaky national containers”, the usual procedure in the more recent studies has been to isolate the principal component factors in population growth, predict the future trend in each, and thus estimate the probable population ten, twenty, fifty, or more years hence. Already the majority of even the more conservative forecasts are proving too high and almost invariably because of over-estimation of the birth-rate.

Errors of this sort are not unexpected in view of the inherent difficulties of the problem. Their number is legion; it will suffice to note three. First, there is the difficulty of foreseeing changes in the social and particularly in the economic environment. Even in so-called normal times, each year brings unanticipated and sometimes substantial modifications in the complex of social forces making for greater or smaller rates of population increase. The duration and severity of such abnormal phenomena as the present depression are, of course, incapable of measurement in advance. Second, the nature and extent of human reactions to environmental change vary greatly both from country to country and from time to time. How a particular people will behave in a new situation is, therefore, usually a matter of considerable uncertainty. This uncertainty is in part at least attributable to a third difficulty. While many excellent studies, especially during the last decade, have contributed materially to a more adequate understanding of the forces controlling population growth, the existing state of knowledge still falls appreciably short of permitting precise quantitative measurement of many important influences on the birth-rate.

The Canadian Manufacturers' Association arose to deal with the problems of manufacturers which emerged as a result of the economic expansion and social changes of the twentieth century. The opening of the West and the widening of the market, besides increasing the number and size of manufacturing enterprises, strengthened those groups such as agriculture and labour which were opposed to privileges secured by the manufacturers, or which advanced claims upon the state damaging to manufacturing interests. At the same time, the development of cheap newspapers and the diffusion of the habit of reading made possible the organization of these groups upon a broad basis of popular support. Thus, while economic expansion meant an increase in the number of interests making demands upon governmental authorities, improved means of communication made these interests more vocal in advancing their claims in the wider community. The result was evident in the increasing number of issues such as the tariff, eight-hour day legislation, and workmen's compensation brought to the attention of the electorate, in the greater participation of the state in economic and social life, and in the elaboration of new forms of organization and control on the part of those groups, such as manufacturers, which had to bid for the support of the general voting public.

My paper contains no theoretical aspects of physical planning; it merely recounts the progress that is being made in Great Britain in the pursuit of adequate legal and administrative measures to make physical planning a purposeful reality. The principles upon which the statutory instruments of planning have been devised are startlingly different today from the vague and somewhat superficial considerations which underlay the first planning measures enacted in 1909. In that year the purpose of planning was understood to be the preservation of amenity by regulatory control; today, planning is recognized in Great Britain to be one of the main functions of the internal affairs of government whereby the integration of public and private enterprise is to be achieved so as to insure an ordered and balanced national development. Planning is accepted as the matrix of national endeavour; as an instrument whereby positive development in the national interest may be assured.

Of the 38 million acres of land in England and Wales, about 27 million acres were embraced by planning schemes at the outbreak of the war. The schemes ranged from proposals for the safeguarding of great stretches of moorland in the interests of the preservation of natural beauty, to plans for the redevelopment of small areas of urban decay; and varied, too, from proposals of a purely advisory nature to statutory schemes operating under the planning law of the country. The operative schemes covered an area of a little over a million acres.

The events of the last thirty years have reinforced the attachment of the thoughtful to the Rule of Law. After watching the shocking excesses of rulers who had escaped from the restraints of law, we can think of dozens of reasons for maintaining the authority of law, which we could not have articulated thirty years ago. But agreement on the end has not enabled us to agree on the means. What kind of institutional arrangements are needed to meet the requirements of the Rule of Law? Since there are infinite possible gradations between the untrammelled licence of rulers and the Rechtstaat of eighteenth-century England, what minimum framework of restraints on rulers is needed? Supposing we could determine the formal requirements of the minimum, in what kind of a society can they be maintained and guaranteed? To be specific, will the inner nature and the inexorable requirements of the collectivist societies in which we live erode and submerge them?

What is required for the Rule of Law to be effective? On the one hand, some have contended that the phrase is essentially meaningless because it means only that the exercisers of power must show that it was conferred on them by law. Hitler showed a scrupulous regard for legal and constitutional forms as he persuaded the German Reichstag to confer on him practically boundless discretion. He could always point to legal warrant for the substance of his actions. In this sense, we might become subject to the most capricious tyranny without ever abandoning the Rule of Law.

It is more than two years since the historic 22nd Congress of the Communist party of the Soviet Union. In contrast to the dramatic repercussions in Eastern Europe of the 20th Congress five years earlier, the impact of the 1961 meeting was at first much less striking. The renewed assault on Stalin, this time open and unrestrained, did not generate a comparable intellectual ferment or unleash political forces capable of producing a crisis of the dimensions of 1956. No doubt Khrushchev and the other Eastern European leaders were anxious to avoid the disastrous consequences of that year, when the stability, and indeed the very existence, of communism hung in the balance, at least in Hungary and Poland. This time, certainly, their efforts carefully to control the direction and tempo of change were more successful, and the modest thaw did not produce a flood. None the less, there were serious consequences, often slow in manifesting themselves and differing substantially in each country, but having a long-run potential for modifying profoundly the shape and content of communism in Eastern Europe.

An entirely unforeseen result of 1956 had been the emergence of China as an influential force in world communism, challenging the hitherto predominant position of the Soviet Union. Her extraordinary intervention in the affairs of Eastern Europe during and after the Hungarian revolt had greatly contributed to the stabilizing of the situation, but had marked the emergence of a balance of power within the communist system and the beginning of a serious conflict of policy and doctrine between the two great communist states. Although the full effect of this Chinese challenge was at first somewhat obscured from view, it became increasingly clear that it would have an even more profound impact than earlier defiance by smaller states such as Yugoslavia, Poland, and Hungary. At the 22nd Congress, only the tip of the iceberg of Sino-Soviet differences protruded in the form of the Chinese protest at Khrushchev's public denunciation of Albania. The full measure of the divergence was revealed in the subsequent two years, reaching a climax in the confrontation of mid-1963.

En matière de règle électorale, la recherche, d'approche « institutionaliste », s'est longtemps attardée sur les effets des différentes règles électorales sur les systèmes de partis, négligeant peut-être un peu les modes de confection et de modification de ces règles ainsi que leur usage politique.

If for any national income and its given distribution we could estimate the amount of annual savings, we should be able to tell how much investment is necessary to make the aggregate receipts of entrepreneurs (plus the value of any additions to the inventories) equal to their outlay and thus avoid entrepreneurs' losses and shrinkage of output, and keep national income at a given level.

The relationship between national income and savings has been estimated in three ways: (1) by studying the relationship between incomes and savings of families, leaving the undistributed corporation incomes out of the picture; (2) by studying separately savings of wage-earners and of profit-receivers out of their respective incomes (distributed or not); (3) by confronting, through time, national income and investment. Only the first method will be discussed here.

If people adjusted their behaviour to changes in their income more quickly than they actually do, the family budget statistics could give an answer as to how a change in the total national income affects the national savings, apart from the undistributed profits of corporations. Actually, there is probably a time lag between income changes and changes in consumption and savings, which should be studied separately.

Students of Canadian politics and public policy have produced numerous studies on the importance of regionalism in Canadian politics. A wealth of essays now exists on regional political culture and numerous suggestions have been put forward to make our national political institutions more regionally sensitive. One institution—the federal public service—has been virtually ignored in this context. Yet many now recognize the considerable influence the federal public service has on the government's policy-making process. With the aid of a survey, this article assesses if senior federal officials themselves view the government's policy-making process as centralized or decentralized. The survey also seeks to assess the importance senior federal public servants attach to regional economic circumstances in policy-making. The survey is broken down on a regional basis.

Mobilisant un sondage avec un devis expérimental, cet article cherche à comprendre l'effet que peuvent avoir les heuristiques numériques d'acceptabilité sociale sur la capacité de convaincre. L'expérience expose les répondants à un article de nouvelle sur les réfugiés syriens et irakiens et, selon le traitement, à un fil de discussion comprenant différentes heuristiques numériques d'acceptabilité sociale. L’étude démontre que la présence d'un fil de discussion modifie l'effet à court terme que peut avoir l'article d'actualité initial et démontre également et surtout la façon dont les heuristiques numériques d'acceptabilité sociale ont un effet d'amplification sur la capacité de convaincre et les émotions évoquées par les commentaires. Chaque unité d'heuristique ou chaque recommandation n'augmente pas nécessairement d'autant le pouvoir de convaincre des commentaires associés et, pour les commentaires que les individus ne sont pas prédisposés à appuyer, servent plutôt à consolider les attitudes préexistantes et à polariser.

This paper aims to contribute to discussions around alliances and collaborations between feminisms. It analyses relations between movements in the development of indigenous women's organizational autonomy in Mexico. It seeks to understand how the struggle for autonomy involved a redefinition of the forms of collaboration by indigenous women in the consolidation of their movement. An intersectional perspective is proposed to better understand how power relations affect the organizing processes of social movements, as well as how organizations and individuals respond to and challenge them. I argue here that the redefinition of collaborations and alliances has been a key determinant in the organizing capacity of indigenous women to position themselves as autonomous political actors. From the analysis of two specific cases, this paper poses broader questions regarding representation and autonomy that may be applied towards a reflection of our feminist practices and discourses of solidarity.

In the study of consumer spending a wide variety of factors, ranging from age, sex, and family size, through occupation, religion, and class background, to future expectations, advertising and personal influence, and compulsiveness, have been shown to have some influence on consumer taste and demand. Yet the precise influence these factors have, and the value which they should be assigned are still largely unknown. This paper offers a theoretical framework as one possible way of treating factors involved in consumer spending in a systematic manner. The approach is still in the process of formulation so that only the general structure of the theory can be presented.

Two assumptions are made about factors which influence consumer spending. First, it is assumed that factors may be treated as aspects of social systems or sub-systems. They may be viewed as contributing to one or other of the problems which all social systems must solve, to what have been called the adaptive, the goal attainment, the integrative, and the pattern-maintenance-tension-management problems. Thus factors are related to one another, in the first instance, by means of their functioning for the solution of system problems. Secondly, it is assumed that all factors do not have the same order of influence on consumer spending. Rather, factors are related to one another in a hierarchical way so that some can be treated as more general in their influence than others, and as unifying the more specific factors in some way. This view is derived from the more general assumption that social systems are composed of a number of distinct levels of structural organization.

The second part of my journey in north-west Canada began when I left Tuktuk on July 25 for Aklavik and Norman Wells. I had hoped to fly from Aklavik to Norman Wells, and so save a week's delay, but the planes are very irregular to the north of Norman Wells and it did not seem advisable to leave the Distributor until I was back in the regular “flying area.” We left the flying field at Norman Wells at 4 p.m. on August 1, and flew across the river to Canol. Here, after a short stop to pick up passengers, the plane proceeded south to Fort Simpson, which we reached in about two hours. We flew at a height of about 10,000 feet at about three miles a minute, so that it was impossible to make detailed notes. There was, of course, no settlement, and the only variations in scenery were in the character of the streams and sloughs. Occasionally outcrops of rock were visible, reminding one of whitish rounded scales in a green hide.

We waited only twenty minutes at Fort Simpson Airport, which is some distance from the settlement, and then flew south-west over unoccupied country to Fort Nelson on the Alaska Highway. We could make out the “winter road,” at times crossing from lake to lake, with one group of huts near Petitot River about sixty miles from Nelson. We landed at the huge airport of Muskwa (Fort Nelson) about 8 p.m. I stayed a day at Fort Nelson, and made a survey of the old fur-trading settlement, but it will be more convenient to consider this district after the Yukon area has been described. The distance from Nelson to Whitehorse is about five hundred miles, and we flew this between 8.30 p.m. and midnight.