The authors aim to reveal both the potentialities and limitations of recent attempts by Dworkin and Rawls (especially in the latter's work since the publication of A Theory of Justice) to work out a constructivist conception of right to serve as the groundwork of a rights-based theory of justice. The constructivist conception of right is promising, the authors argue, because it points beyond both teleological naturalism and instrumentalism as conceptions of right. The authors, however, find Dworkin and Rawls's constructivism to be ultimately inadequate, and argue that their project would be furthered through consideration of the constructivist aspects of Rousseau's conception of right as articulated in The Social Contract.

The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism sponsored 165 research studies, which were carried out in the years 1964–7. Of these, 24 were published by the Commission and distributed widely through the services of Information Canada. Publication proceeded in two series: “Research Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism,” and “Research Documents of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism.” The first series was comprised of studies which it was considered should be available in both official languages. The second series included studies judged to be of more specialized interest; these were published in the language of the author. Both series, listed in order of publication and by author and title, are set out in Table i.

Richard Johnston's article is addressed to an article of mine and to another, co-authored with Haim Gold.2 It is much more relevant to the former than to the latter, despite the fact that Johnston uses the data from the 1974 National Election Survey on which the Irvine and Gold article was based. The purpose of that article was to discover whether, if at all, a cleavage between two groups is sustained by social processes involving members of those groups.

Leo Panitch is at the same time far too generous and mistaken when he sees my book as representing the coming of the monopoly stage in the development of the growth industry of corporatism. If I were, by writing the first book-length work on the theory of corporatism, to succeed in cornering the vigorous international market in ideas, then this would be praise indeed. Of course, the notion is absurd and is as flawed as Panitch's reading of the book.

« Dès que nous prétendons, écrivait un jour P.-H. Simon, découvrir au delà de nos désaccords, une ligne de convergence possible, nous sommes fatalement conduits à parler d'humanisme. Humanisme avec ce que le mot implique assez confusément de confiance dans l'espèce humaine, d'attachement à son passé, d'espérance en son progrès et de disposition à vouloir son bien, semble désigner le carrefour par où passent tous nos itinéraires spirituels… Seulement, quand on veut presser le sens du mot, on s'aperçoit que les difficultés demeurent. Humanisme est une de ces abstractions, dangereuses à force d'être commodes, où l'on peut tout mettre, Marx et l'Evangile, le libre examen et le sentiment de l'autorité, la tradition et la révolution. »

Cependant malgré l'infinie et souvent contradictoire variété des définitions que les auteurs ont jusqu'ici essayées de l'humanisme, il semble qu'on puisse clarifier un peu le sujet en les ramenant toutes à trois types principaux selon qu'on envisage l'humanisme comme philosophie des humanités, comme métaphysique de l'homme ou comme attitude humaine.

In the new states of Southeast Asia the idea of parliamentary government has usually been closely linked with the struggle for national independence, yet with the latter a reality in most of the area, there has come a curious disillusionment with the actual values of the former. Thus, during the 1920's and 1930's in what was then called the Netherlands East Indies, nationalists agitated on behalf of “Indonesia berparlemèn” (a parliament for Indonesia), but today we find leading Indonesian public figures, such as President Sukarno, declaring that Western-style parliamentary government has failed in Indonesia, and that what the country needs is a governmental system “in harmony with the Indonesian soul,” that is, a “democracy with leadership,” or a “guided democracy.” The following pages will seek to suggest some of the causes of this disenchantment with the principle of representative government in Indonesia, by focusing on its historic origins and functions during these, Indonesia's first, years of national independence.

When on August 17, 1945, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta, acting on behalf of “the people of Indonesia,” formally proclaimed the independence of their nation, they confronted a condition of widespread popular inexperience in the art of representative government. It was not until 1918 that a rudimentary parliamentary body for all of Indonesia (the so-called Volksraad, or People's Council) had been established, in line with the plans, in great variety and often confusingly contradictory, of the Dutch colonial policy-makers to give their East Indian possessions a greater degree of autonomy.

Concepts and Analytical Techniques of Administrative Phenomena

Among the phenomena inherent in administrative activities, four key categories may be distinguished: (1) the “duties” of the administration which give rise to whole families of activities and operations; (2) administrative “roles” which facilitate execution of these duties and provide the functional means for their execution; (3) administrative “organs” or institutions, charged with exercising the executive powers and which organize the agents assuming various administrative roles; and (4) the administrative “process” or information exchange circuits which inter-connect administrative duties, roles, and organs.

It is argued that the roles emerge from the type of operation, that the organs are, in several forms, postulated by the types of roles, and that the administrative processes are brought into being by the differing outcomes of the work of the administrative organs. We have here the embryo of a structural-functional theory of administration.

The thesis is presented throughout as a method of analysing the organization and operation of administrative institutions and as a means which may be used for reforming them. Such an analytical system could serve as a bridge facilitating comparative analysis of different administrative institutions and as the administrative element of a general theory of politics.

Many authors, both in academic and political circles, consider that the National Energy Program (NEP) was responsible for the “Canadianization” of the oil and gas industry. This article challenges that interpretation and shows, supported by data, that the decline of foreign control in the Canadian oil and gas industry started well before the launching of the NEP, and that it went on after the abolition of the Program. In fact, the “Canadianization” of the oil and gas industry can be interpreted as a larger process, of the decline of bargaining power of the multinational firms in this industry. A similar process has taken place in other countries, even if the Canadian model has some dimensions of its own.

The analysis of political leadership is an enterprise often handicapped by the lack of an adequate conceptual framework. Mr Courtney has selected James Barber's model of presidential character as a means of overcoming this problem and has presented an interesting examination of Mackenzie King's political leadership based on this approach. There are, however, a number of aspects both of the Barber model and of Mackenzie King's leadership that Courtney has been unable to develop. It is proposed in this brief rejoinder to discuss some of these issues and to indicate the main lines of an alternative interpretation of Mr King's character.

This article discusses interest representation by Canadian co-operative business associations, as a way of exploring difficulties faced by democratically structured group interests in influencing federal government policy. Several dimensions of co-operatives’ problems in this regard are examined: their internal structures of democratic representation, their reform ideology, their influence by two conflicting logics of collective action and selected aspects of federal policy development. The article concludes by contending that the problem of democratic representation by economic group interests in the policy process should be taken more seriously by Canadian political scientists.

This study assesses the contribution of five of the research studies done for the Macdonald Royal Commission and of the opening chapter of the Commission Report to our understanding of the state. It examines the use of the term state, the economic and social functions that the latter is seen to perform, and the light that these studies may shed on such thorny topics as authority, legitimacy and citizenship in the late twentieth century. It concludes that, despite individual contributions of note, there are real limitations to what this Commission and its research associates tell us about the state.