Recognizing Aboriginal Title: The Mabo Case and Indigenous Resistance to English-Settler Colonialism, Peter H. Russell, Toronto, Buffalo and London: University of Toronto Press, 2005, pp. xii, 470.

Peter Russell's insightful book on Aboriginal land rights in Australia weaves together two tales, that of Indigenous crusader Eddie Koiki Mabo and the slow and arduous struggle of Torres Strait Islanders and mainland Aborigines to have their native land rights recognized by Australian governments in the hope of forging a new, post-colonial relationship. Along the way, Russell places these stories in the context of the push and pull of international events and movements that affected Australia's domestic politics and assesses the political progress of Indigenous peoples in Canada, the United States and New Zealand.

One of the leading features of colonialism is the imposition on a given territory and people a framework for what constitutes authority that renders pre-existing governing practices and legal orders unrecognizable as features of legitimate law and governance. Understood in this way, colonialism renders Indigenous law and governing practices invisible. As a result, decolonization requires changing how authority is apprehended and not only how it is distributed. This article compares two frameworks of authority in relation to the conflict on Wet'suwet’en territory: liberal postcolonial statism and relational pluralism. It shows how each framework provides a distinct lens through which to understand the pertinent features of political authority but argues that relational pluralism presents a better account of how to reconceive political authority in the context of real-world conflict.

La participation des Autochtones aux institutions démocratiques canadiennes (que ce soit par le vote, le fait de se présenter à une élection ou d’être député ou sénateur) fait l'objet d'un grand débat dans la littérature décoloniale. Certains auteurs considèrent ces actions comme étant incompatibles avec les mouvements d'autodétermination pendant que d'autres les encouragent en considérant que la participation peut bénéficier aux mouvements d'autodétermination. Par un état des lieux de la littérature décoloniale sur ce sujet, cet essai critique constate que cette mésentente entre les auteurs concernant la compatibilité ou non de la participation avec les mouvements d'autodétermination vient d'une acception différente des contours que devraient prendre l'autodétermination des nations autochtones et le processus devant y mener. Ainsi, il existe une première catégorie d'auteurs, que nous qualifions de « tenants de l'autodétermination incompatible ». Ces derniers établissent que l’État colonial d’établissement est totalisant ; il est donc impossible de le changer de l'intérieur. En outre, les sociétés allochtones et autochtones ne partagent pas les mêmes systèmes de valeurs et de pensées. Il en résulte que les mouvements d'autodétermination doivent se concentrer exclusivement sur la résurgence des sociétés autochtones en dehors des institutions de l’État colonial d’établissement. En conséquence, la participation ne peut faire partie du répertoire d'actions pouvant mener à cette résurgence. Cela pourrait même l'empêcher. À l'inverse, une autre catégorie d'auteurs que nous qualifions de « tenants de l'autodétermination relationnelle » considère que c'est justement parce que l’État colonial d’établissement est totalisant qu'il faut prendre en compte ses effets sur les sociétés autochtones. Dès lors, les sociétés autochtones et allochtones, bien qu'ayant des systèmes de valeurs différents les unes des autres, ne sont pas incompatibles : elles peuvent s'influencer. Par conséquent, la participation à ses institutions peut être compatible avec les mouvements d'autodétermination dans certaines conditions.

This paper is the product of the rather unusual experience of interdisciplinary collaboration which I have had during the last two years. It will, I believe, be more intelligible if it is prefaced by a brief indication of the character of that experience. After a long residence in the ivory tower of economic theory I was thrown, some two years ago, into the muddy field of industrial relations, being appointed director of a new Institute of Industrial Relations in the University of Toronto. Though an economist by profession, I had for a long time subscribed to the view that economics is but a part, albeit an important part, of social science. It was therefore not too difficult for me to decide to put a good deal of the new Institute's resources into the study of what has come to be known as “Human Relations in Industry,” where the contributions of anthropology, psychology, and sociology appear to be more valuable than does that of my own specialty, economic theory.

My interest in the work on human relations of Dr. Elton Mayo and his colleagues at Harvard had been stimulated by Professor Hart, whose article on the “Hawthorne Experiments” in this Journal stressed their methodological importance as “steps towards a unified social science.” “The experiments,” he wrote, “started with, continued with, and ended with, attention focussed exclusively on one thing and one thing only, what people do. This was the new procedure and it was revolutionary.”

Recently, and within a period of about twelve months, two monographs on empirical studies of demand have appeared, each reporting on the related economic and statistical theory as well as the results of extensive studies of data. Nearly two decades having now passed since the publication of the two other memorable volumes in this field, an attempt will be made in this paper to compare the recent works not only with each other, but also with these earlier classics.

The revival of interest in the Pareto-Slutsky approach to the theory of demand, occasioned by the papers of Hicks and Allen and Schultz occurred before the publication of any of the four volumes under review and each contains some account of this theory and its empirical implications. Allen and Bowley, concerned entirely with the analysis of data on family budgets, used the theory in the derivation of their hypothetical form of the relation between expenditure on a particular commodity and total expenditure (now commonly called the Engel curve). They showed that if a consumer behaves according to the postulates of the theory and if in addition his pattern of tastes is of a special variety, then his Engel curves will be linear. This is the main empirical implication deduced and subjected to test by these authors. Schultz's elegant account of the theory of demand is written with profound knowledge of the Pareto and Slutsky contributions and still must be classed as “modern” in all respects.

This study aims to measure the net investment or savings of individuals and enterprises in Canada. Two methods are available, the inventory or change of stocks method and the production or flow of goods method. The first compares the capital value of all durable goods at the beginning and end of the period in question, at constant prices, the difference being net saving or dissaving (inventories excepted). The sources for this approach consist of balance sheets and other data of the type used in making an estimate of national wealth. The second, the production or flow of goods method, utilizes records of retail sales of durable goods and, where sales data do not exist, figures of production, imports and exports, etc. From these sources the selling value of all durable goods sold or available to be sold, i.e. gross investment, is estimated. From gross investment is subtracted an estimate of the value of durable goods required to maintain existing capital intact. The remainder, which we shall call net investment or net saving (the additional adjective aggregate being taken for granted in both cases), represents the value of the net addition to the stock of durable goods.

To the layman, net investment appears remote from net saving. It can be demonstrated, however, that it does not differ significantly from saving, at any rate for statistical purposes. By saving is meant excess of current income over current outgo. Current outgo is taken to include appropriate charges for depreciation but excludes repayment of debts. Saving or non-current outgo is defined to include many consumers' expenditures for capital goods, as indicated in Table I.

The socialist movement in Great Britain has been characterized by a combination of dynamic reformism and liberal reasonableness which is all too frequently lacking in the histories of left-wing movements in other parts of the world. While this may be explained to some extent by the traditional character of English habits of thought and political institutions, one organization is, more than others, responsible for the preservation of the liberal philosophy in an age of great social change. The Fabian Society came upon the scene when the economic foundations of that change were already well established. The development of the new industrialism had shown inequities and injustices which called for radical measures of economic reform. Yet while this economic change had been taking place, political institutions had undergone a considerable measure of liberalization. The latter was a development highly valued by the economic revolutionaries, and the Fabian Society was, from the very first, an effort to combine the two desiderata—to change the economic structure of society while preserving the democratic political achievements so newly gained and so highly prized.

The important early Fabian writings which dealt with matters of abstract economic theory were motivated by the belief that the great unsolved questions of the day were the economic. During the latter part of the nineteenth century, from 1870 on, the economic world was stricken with controversy. The placid perfection of the Ricardian classicism had been shattered by the frontal attack of the marginalists and the usurpation of Marx.

Halford John Mackinder, who has enjoyed considerable recognition as a founder of modern geographical study, achieved a widespread renown over a decade ago as the pioneer of the “science of geopolitics” of which Hitler had become a disciple. His other accomplishments, however, have been rather neglected, especially his work as an economic theorist and politician. At the beginning of the century, Mackinder was a principal spokesman for the Liberal-Imperialists; he was, in fact, well on his way toward a cabinet post. As a free trade Imperialist, he described with unusual insight the imperialism of capital export, anticipating at some points the later analysis of Hobson and the neo-Marxists, Hilferding and Luxemburg. Then, after a remarkable and sudden conversion to the Chamberlain programme of protection, he demonstrated a similar grasp of the rival neo-mercantile imperialism, and became one of its leading public advocates.

Mackinder was born at Gainsborough in 1861. His father was a doctor and, his first interests being in the field of science, he accepted, in 1880, a junior studentship in physical science at Christ Church, Oxford, where he intended to specialize in biology. While at Oxford, Mackinder discovered how broad and varied were his interests and his talents. He read for two honours schools, natural science and modern history, and for the bar–he was called at the Inner Temple in 1886. More and more, however, he devoted himself to geography, a subject to whose acceptance as an academic discipline he was to make so signal a contribution.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss some of the most significant gaps in the Canadian criminal statistics. It seems fairly obvious that in order to achieve this end, an answer has first to be given to the question, “What are the objectives of criminal statistics?” This sets the stage for working out, in far more specific terms, why the collection of statistics is undertaken, what information is sought, and what use is to be made of the findings, and by whom.

The term “criminal statistics” is used very broadly to refer to all material collected regularly which gives information on any of the various phases of the law-enforcement process. Criminal statistics are an essential tool of administration and social planning for crime reduction. The basic postulate of this paper can be summarized as follows: Quantitative data obtained from the normal flow of activities of law-enforcement agencies at the various phases of the law-enforcement process become more meaningful when related to each other.

As one reads the report of the Nova Scotia Royal Commission of Economic Inquiry, he becomes aware that he is in a new area lying between the field of economics proper and the field of political science. In this area the economist gropes uneasily, finding the familiar concepts of economics strained in an attempt to answer unfamiliar questions. There is an important difference, however, between the case for Nova Scotia, as it was presented to the Royal Commission and the case for the Prairie Provinces. A great part of the brief for Nova Scotia is concerned with negotiations preliminary to the passing of the British North America Act and many of the grievances rightly go back to that period. The Prairie Provinces entered a Confederation already in existence with a lively sense of benefits to be obtained. The alternative was not, as for Nova Scotia, of coming into Confederation or of remaining a separate colony, but of coming in or of remaining a territory of the Dominion. We were not beguiled into Confederation with the connivance of the secretary of state for the colonies. Nor have we since coming into Confederation seen our formerly prospering industries languish and die. We are not obsessed with the memory of a glory that has departed. On the contrary, our growth was steadily upward, interrupted only by disturbances that were common to the whole country. Our protest is hot concerning what we once were and now are but rather about what we are now and what we might be,—but this does not mean that the protest is any the less real. The protest of to-day is not new in anything except its vigour and yet it manifests a difference in degree that is equivalent to a change in quality.

An earlier paper examined changes in Canadian sensitivity to United States business fluctuations. The evidence suggested that this sensitivity may have declined from the ten years preceding the First World War to the twenties, and that it undoubtedly declined between the twenties, on the one hand, and the thirties and post-war period on the other. Changes in sensitivity were measured by changes in the average percentage amplitude of fluctuations in Canadian output indicators associated with given percentage fluctuations of the corresponding United States indicators. The changes in sensitivity observed in this way were very small, but the decline from the twenties to the thirties and the post-war period was statistically significant.

The present paper attempts an explanation of these findings by examining changes in structural factors that can be assumed to have influenced Canada's cyclical sensitivity. Most of these factors have been frequently discussed by Canadian economists.

Since exports are a major channel for the transmission of cyclical fluctuations (indeed, in the thinking of many economists they appear to be the only channel), and since United States business conditions influence, directly and indirectly, Canadian exports to all countries, the sensitivity of total Canadian exports to United States business fluctuations must be examined. Since the United Kingdom has been a major market for exports, the influence of its business fluctuations on the relation between United States and Canadian fluctuations is also relevant.

While the net effects of the Reciprocity Treaty, 1855-1866, are difficult to estimate, it has been generally held that the Maritime Provinces gained more than did the province of Canada. The rapid development of central Canada and the painful readjustments of the Maritime Provinces since the abrogation of the treaty and the consummation of Confederation may seem to justify this conclusion, but the following analysis of the trade statistics of the period suggests grave doubts as to the validity of this interpretation. It appears that it was the province of Canada that had most to gain from free access to the American market.

The simplest and most general test of the efficacy of any trade policy is the measure of increase or decrease in those branches of commerce that it was designed to influence. In order to apply this test, a table has been prepared (table I) showing for the province of Canada and the Maritime Provinces the percentage changes in exports to, and imports from, the United States. In each case the imports and exports for the years 1854 to 1866 are shown as percentages of those for the year 1853. Had 1854 been chosen as the base year a slight advantage would have been gained for the thesis of this paper, but the results would not have been materially different.

This article investigates the representativeness of news coverage when there are nearly as many female candidates as there are male candidates by considering the 2018 Québec Election, in which 47 per cent of candidates were women. We are interested not only in the magnitude of the coverage (that is, the volume of press coverage received by each candidate) but also in its tone (if the press coverage is negative or positive) and whether these parameters fluctuate based on the gender of the candidates. We know that the quality of the news coverage, and more specifically its tone, can affect voting intentions. We also know that journalists routinely portray politics as a masculine activity, but we know very little about the coverage that local female candidates receive in the context of parity in North America. We find that in spite of exceptional circumstances, female candidates received significantly less coverage than men.