Este artículo analiza las representaciones centradas en la víctima del conflicto armado interno peruano que propone el documental Tempestad en los Andes (2014), de Mikael Wiström. A partir de este objeto cultural, se examinan las limitaciones y posibilidades que presenta la memoria victimista en el posconflicto peruano. El análisis parte de los significados contrapuestos que el filme articula para Augusta La Torre (líder de Sendero Luminoso) y Claudio Gonzales (estudiante universitario desaparecido). Por un lado, se reflexiona sobre el posicionamiento reconciliador que esta película sostiene en torno a la búsqueda de una víctima neutral merecedora de compasión, la reconstitución de un supuesto mundo andino devastado por la guerra y el énfasis identificatorio con el sufrimiento padecido. Esta interpretación del pasado reciente fuerza una reconciliación (un perdón normalizante) que no permite comprender las complejidades surgidas y, por el contrario, las sutura en vías de alcanzar una cura y unificación del cuerpo social fragmentado con la guerra. Sin embargo, por otro lado, también se analizan las posibilidades de reconocimiento, esas renegociaciones y apropiaciones que suceden desde los márgenes de este proyecto audiovisual: una reivindicación, breve pero real, que intenta reparar el olvido.

In March 2015, a group of feminist writers and academics in Argentina organized a marathon reading event to protest femicide, using the slogan “Ni Una Menos.” Less than three months later, more than 250,000 Argentines participated in the first #NiUnaMenos demonstration in Buenos Aires. Since then, #NiUnaMenos has transformed into a transnational feminist movement and has shifted the conversation about gender violence in digital and physical spaces. Drawing from critical discourse analysis and feminist theory, this article examines the discursive strategies employed by #NiUnaMenos. It analyzes key texts from the months leading up to the first demonstration and argues that these texts were strategically constructed as “sites of struggle” in order to reach diverse groups. The analysis reveals four discursive dichotomies in which the movement’s discourse oscillates between seemingly opposing ideas and channels. This discursive oscillation allowed #NiUnaMenos to reach the masses and, in turn, spark a cultural shift toward gender equality.

This essay reviews the following works:

• The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology. By Lilian Calles Barger. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. x + 376. $34.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780190695392.

• The Latino Christ in Art, Literature, and Liberation Theology. By Michael R. Candelaria. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2018. Pp. 248. $65.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780826358790.

• Óscar Romero’s Theological Vision: Liberation and the Transfiguration of the Poor. By Edgardo Colón-Emeric. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2018. Pp. xvi + 400. $39.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780268104733.

• La guerra por otros medios: Comunicación insurgente y proceso revolucionario en El Salvador (1970–1992). By Eudald Cortina Orero. San Salvador: UCA Editores, 2017. Pp. 563. $13.00. ISBN: 9789996110375.

• Ixcán: Pastoral de acompañamiento en área de guerra, Guatemala 1981–1987. By Ricardo Falla. Vol. 5, part 1 of Al atardecer de la vida. Guatemala: Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala, 2017. ISBN: 9789929663015.

• Las lógicas del genocidio guatemalteco: Febrero 1982 a agosto 1983. By Ricardo Falla. Vol. 6 of Al atardecer de la vida. Guatemala: Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala, 2018. ISBN: 9789929663015.

• What You Have Heard Is True: A Memoir of Witness and Resistance. By Carolyn Forché. New York: Penguin, 2020. Pp. 400. $18.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780525560395.

• Caribbean Revolutions: Cold War Armed Movements. By Rachel A. May, Alejandro Schneider, and Roberto González Arana. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018. Pp. 174. $24.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781108440905.

• After Insurgency: Revolution and Electoral Politics in El Salvador. By Ralph Sprenkels. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2018. Pp ix + 484. $50.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780268103255.

• Blood in the Fields: Óscar Romero, Catholic Social Teaching, and Land Reform. By Matthew Philipp Whelan. Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2020. Pp. 336. $65.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780813232522.

This essay reviews the following works:

• Historia política de Chile, 1810–2010. Tomo I: Prácticas políticas. Edited by Iván Jaksić and Juan Luis Ossa. Santiago de Chile: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2014. Pp. 508. $280.00 MXN, paperback. ISBN: 9789562891653.

• Historia política de Chile, 1810–2010. Tomo II: Estado y sociedad. Edited by Iván Jaksić and Francisca Rengifo. Santiago de Chile: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2017. Pp. 476. $470.00 MXN, paperback. ISBN: 9789562891691.

• Historia política de Chile, 1810–2010. Tomo III: Problemas económicos. Edited by Iván Jaksić, Andrés Estefane, and Claudio Robles. Santiago de Chile: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2018. Pp. 443. $430.00 MXN, paperback. ISBN: 9789562891776.

• Historia política de Chile, 1810–2010. Tomo IV: Intelectuales y pensamiento político. Edited by Iván Jaksić and Susana Gazmuri. Santiago de Chile: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2018. Pp. 338. $440.00 MXN, paperback. ISBN: 9789562891837.

• Revolutionizing Repertoires: The Rise of Populist Mobilization in Peru. By Robert S. Jansen. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017. Pp. xviii + 288. $37.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780226487441.

• Campaigns and Voters in Developing Democracies: Argentina in Comparative Perspective. Edited by Noam Lupu, Virginia Oliveros, and Luis Schiumerini. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2019. Pp. xiv + 298. $80.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780472131280.

• Electoral Rules and Democracy in Latin America. By Cynthia McClintock. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xi + 336. $38.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780190879761.

• Why Bother with Elections? By Adam Przeworski. Cambridge: Polity, 2018. Pp. 210. $15.50 paperback. ISBN: 9781509526604.

• Política latinoamericana contemporánea. Edited by Godofredo Vidal de la Rosa. Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 2017. Pp. 713. Paperback. ISBN: 9786072811225.

• Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy. By Daniel Ziblatt. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. xvi + 448. $32.99 paperback. ISBN: 9780521172998.

This essay discusses issues of time and temporality in relation to performance art from the Dominican Republic. It contends that Dominican performance artists are advancing critical understandings of what is to be contemporary. The essay considers the work of David Pérez “Karmadavis,” Sayuri Guzmán, and José Ramia as expressing the role of artists in defining and delving into what it means to make art in and of the present, while simultaneously challenging the presentist understanding of time linked to neoliberalism. From this perspective, the article examines the potential of performance art for criticizing and expanding our understanding of time and temporality.

This research note outlines the current state of preservation and accessibility of an audiovisual document that contains complete video footage of the Trial of the Argentine Military Junta, whose verdict in 1985 found the accused guilty of crimes against humanity perpetrated during the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983).The project of digitization is the result of a joint effort by the University of Salamanca, the Argentine human rights organization Memoria Abierta, and the judges involved in the case, with the support of the Argentine Cámara Nacional de Apelaciones en lo Criminal y Correccional Federal. Its two main objectives are to preserve and provide open access to the audiovisual document. To date only digitized preservation has been attained, a nonetheless remarkable achievement. Despite legislation dates enforcing the protection of the parties involved in the trial, and the absence of legal constraints, open access to the document has not been obtained.

This essay reviews the following works:

• Memory’s Turn: Reckoning with Dictatorship in Brazil. By Rebecca J. Atencio. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2014. Pp. xviii + 144. $26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780299297244.

• Human Rights Policies in Chile: The Unfinished Struggle for Truth and Justice. By Silvia Borzutzky. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Pp. 242. $119.99 paperback. ISBN: 9783319536965.

• Intermittences: Memory, Justice, and the Poetics of the Visible in Uruguay. By Ana Forcinito. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2018. Pp. xii + 257. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822965664.

• Democratization and Memories of Violence: Ethnic Minority Rights Movements in Mexico, Turkey, and El Salvador. By Mneesha Gellman. London: Routledge, 2016. Pp. xv + 242. $52.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781138597686.

• Reagan’s Gun-Toting Nuns: The Catholic Conflict over Cold War Human Rights Policy in Central America. By Theresa Keeley. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020. Pp. xiv + 352. $49.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9781501750755.

• Sovereign Emergencies: Latin America and the Making of Global Human Rights Politics. By Patrick William Kelly. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018. Pp. xx + 318. $29.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781316615119.

• The Brazilian Truth Commission: Local, National and Global Perspectives. Edited by Nina Schneider. New York: Berghahn, 2019. Pp. 382. $135.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781789200034.

• Phenomenal Justice: Violence and Morality in Argentina. By Eva van Roekel. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2020. Pp. 208. $32.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781978800267.

• Los pelotones de la muerte: La construcción de los perpetradores del genocidio guatemalteco. By Manolo E. Vela Castañeda. México, DF: Colegio de México, 2015. Pp. 454. $32.03 paperback. ISBN: 9786074623680.

• Acts of Repair: Justice, Truth, and the Politics of Memory in Argentina. By Natasha Zaretsky. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2020. Pp. 252. $34.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781978807426.

Prior research has argued that public subsidies for parties matter for explaining electoral volatility, but the empirical results have been inconclusive. This article addresses this puzzle by examining how different rules for direct state funding affect different types of electoral volatility, using data from lower chamber elections in eighteen Latin American countries from 1978 through 2014. Focusing on volatility caused by new party entry and old party exit (party replacement volatility) and volatility caused by vote switching among existing parties (stable party volatility), it finds that countries with less strict eligibility thresholds for party subsidies tend to have lower levels of party replacement volatility. However, the empirical analysis does not provide sufficient evidence that the eligibility thresholds for party subsidies matter for predicting stable party volatility. Overall, this article suggests that less strict eligibility thresholds for party subsidies help produce stable party systems by reducing risks associated with party replacement volatility.

This article explores the impact of Afrocubanismo on the development of Cuba’s arts during the 1940s and 1950s. The article follows the discursive output of artists, intellectuals, and cultural policymakers of different racial backgrounds over the deployment of lo negro to construct cubanidad. It argues that, if the 1920s and 1930s experienced a movement towards the construction of a homogeneous mestizo Cuba, the following decades reveal an effort by some artists to desyncretize lo cubano. While some intellectuals constructed notions of authenticity that circumscribed black art to black artists, many white Cuban artists in turn embraced elite Hispanic heritage as their main creative language while valorizing some Afro-Cuban artists’ recreations of lo negro. The article also demonstrates that the scholarly debates about cultural appropriation in recent decades have a long history within the Afro-Cuban community. It shows how Afro-Cuban artists and intellectuals pioneered arguments about the exploitative use of lo negro to make national art and the central role of culture in shaping racial inequality.

La Revista de la Universidad Técnica del Estado (1969–1973) fue una publicación periódica de carácter académico que tuvo como objetivo difundir el proceso de transformación de esta casa de estudios gracias al movimiento de la Reforma Universitaria. Estuvo inmersa en la transición política del régimen demócrata cristiano de Eduardo Frei Montalva al programa de gobierno de carácter socialista de Salvador Allende. Su producción editorial e impresión estuvo a cargo de la Editorial UTE y el Taller Gráfico UTE respectivamente, áreas de trabajo relacionadas a la labor de extensión de la universidad. Este artículo pretende establecer un diálogo entre esta publicación y su contexto político-educativo, por medio de la revisión de su variedad temática, autoral y formatos de escritura. Finalmente, se busca visibilizar las dinámicas y experiencias del trabajo de diseño de la revista, a través del análisis de su producción visual (portadas y portadillas gráficas) y el rescate testimonial de integrantes del grupo de diseñadores responsables de cada ejemplar, información inédita hasta el momento.

Studies of how previous political experience affects a candidate’s electoral success have overlooked the experience that candidates get from running campaigns even if they lose. This article argues that experience running for office, whether successfully or unsuccessfully, could give candidates several benefits, such as expertise in running strong campaigns, a network of connections, and visibility among the electorate. As a result, candidate experience, not just office-holding experience, should be positively correlated with electoral success. The article tests this expectation in Brazil using a database of candidates for seven types of elected offices between 1998 and 2018. It finds that candidates who ran for, but lost, elected offices are more likely to win when they run in future elections for the same and lower-ranked offices, compared to candidates with no experience running for office. Thus, candidate experience, not just office-holding experience, is important for explaining electoral success in politics.

In the 2016 United States presidential election, candidates Trump and Clinton embraced the demands of certain social groups and in this way, politically and symbolically, chose to “own” the social identities of these groups. Trump decided to attack the Latino community, while Clinton positioned herself as an advocate for this community. This article presents the results of a social narrative analysis of the values that Clinton and her team used to reach out to Latino communities during the 2016 election. The Spanish-language messages produced by the Democratic campaign compose the sample, which includes blog posts, Facebook posts, tweets, and television ads. Clinton’s campaign produced narratives about who the “good Latinos” are and, consequently, the “good immigrants” while at the same time promoting values such as globalism, cosmopolitanism, and multiculturalism. Paradoxically, these narratives and values failed to portray Latinos’ diversity because they left out this community’s historical, social, and cultural complexity.

The objective of this paper, based on interviews with 95 human smugglers (coyotes) involved in agriculture and 51 in prostitution, is to provide a comparative analysis of the networks transporting (mostly) male migrants intending to work in US agriculture and those recruiting women/girls for the US sex industry. Networks carrying females for sex work are bigger and use more fraudulent recruitment strategies. However, migrant smuggling for agriculture is not totally different from sex trafficking; similarities between the types of networks analysed dwarf their differences. Smugglers frequently use some form of deception to convince their would-be clients/victims to undertake risky journeys. I conclude that both networks are demand-driven. Smugglers serve the interests of US agribusinesses and sex business owners rather than those of the males and females they recruit.

Costa Rica suspended payments on its London debt in 1901, at the beginning of a democratisation process and during a crisis in the world coffee market. Meanwhile, autocratic Nicaragua, also a coffee exporter, continued paying its foreign creditors. This article assesses the causes of these distinct outcomes, which are at odds with the influential hypothesis that democracy makes for better borrowers. Strongly represented in Congress, Costa Rica's coffee elite pushed for the end of a tax on coffee as the legislative became more powerful. The executive had used that revenue to service the debt, which went on default as a consequence. Politics were radically different in Nicaragua: coffee growers were weaker and President Zelaya ruled without legislative tutelage. Hence, his government could raise a similar tax to honour the sovereign debt. With a clean record, the dictator borrowed abroad to build a modern army, the backbone of his autocratic regime.

The Ford Foundation's involvement with the social sciences in Brazil coincided with the early years of the military regime that ruled the country between 1964 and 1985. The paper studies how changed political circumstances in the United States and abroad induced the Foundation to gradually abandon the technocratic approach that had governed its overseas programme since the 1950s, thus introducing a critical shift in its policies toward the developing world. A grant proposal to the University of Brasília, which had been subject to repeated military interventions since 1964, highlighted the ethical dilemmas raised by the goal of fostering policy-relevant research in an authoritarian political context. Relying on a pragmatic decision-making framework that converted ethical and ideological considerations into cost–benefit exercises, the Foundation finally moved away from the maxims of modernisation theory to embrace new strategic priorities like human rights, democracy and intellectual pluralism.