Capitalism is profoundly conditioned by the types of landed property and agrarian classes it confronts in its development, thereby determining fundamental features of the historically specific “social formation” that emerges in a given capitalist country. Such a social formation is not merely split into the constituent classes unique to the capitalist mode of production, but also incorporates, as Marx wrote of Western European capitalism, “strata of society which, though belonging to the antiquated mode of production, continue to exist side by side with it in gradual decay” (1967, vol. 1, p. 765). Or, as Joseph Schumpeter—certainly no Marxist—put it: “Any theory of class structure, in dealing with a given historical period, must include prior class structures among its data; … any theory of classes and class formation must explain the fact that classes coexisting at any given time bear the marks of different centuries on their brow” (1955, p. 111). Every concrete social class, therefore, is also an historical class, not a mere social category or analytic abstraction, and its existence depends on the particular history of the society of which it is a decisive constituent; and in that history, the protracted presence of agrarian elements has often been critical.

The favelas of Rio de Janeiro, with their teeming masses trapped in misery, constitute the perfect site for investigating how social inequality is reproduced in Brazil. The latest survey of the shantytowns, conducted by the Instituto de Planejamento in Rio de Janeiro (IPLAN-Rio) reported that as of 1991, the city contained 661 favelas housing 962,793 persons in 239,678 shacks. The squatter settlements recreate in miniature but distorted form the entire history of modern Rio de Janeiro. The first squatter settlement was built in 1898 in Rio by Bahian veterans of the military campaign against mystic rebel Antonio Conselheiro. Yet only when the housing crisis of the 1940s forced the urban poor to erect hundreds of shantytowns in the suburbs did favelas replace tenements as the main type of residence for destitute Cariocas (residents of Rio). The explosive era of favela growth dates from 1940, when Getúlio Vargas's industrialization drive pulled hundreds of thousands of migrants into the Federal District, until 1970, when shantytowns expanded beyond urban Rio and into the metropolitan periphery. Even today, the favelas remain an officially unrecognized and illegal part of city. For this reason, many researchers assume that the shantytowns have no written history and that historians must rely on anecdotal evidence from residents for information on squatter life.

Venezuela has one of the highest rates of homicide in the Americas. Those who are dying are mostly men, and most are shot. Based on ethnographic research in poor, urban neighborhoods in Caracas, where guns are abundant and the state is absent, this article focuses on the repertoire of responses of mothers of armed young men toward violence. How are mothers responding to meet the extreme challenges of safeguarding the survival of their families? In what ways do they participate in the containment but also in the dissemination of violence? We describe the safeguarding practices deployed by women, which we interpret as political survival strategies. Drawing on women’s narratives, we have identified four strategies that contribute differently to the containment and reproduction of violence: submission and taking refuge, collaborating, resisting, and negotiating or forging of pacts.

La tensión entre diferentes subjetividades articuladas por la clase social, las performances de género y la homosociabilidad urbana dieron forma a las expresiones culturales y estrategias militantes de los homosexuales argentinos entre las décadas de 1950 y 1980. El modelo homófilo (de “amor al igual,” denominación predominante entre los movimientos homosexuales de los cincuenta y sesenta) de políticas de la respetabilidad y el activismo liberacionista de ruptura con el orden moral burgués estaban enraizados en la conflictiva relación entre los “entendidos”, o u homosexuales de clase media o alta que valoraban el decoro y la masculinidad autodisciplinada, y las “maricas” de clase trabajadora que proyectaban una feminidad sexualizada y hedonista. Las relaciones con el movimiento sexo-disidente transnacional emanaron de y resaltaron el potencial político de estas subjetividades. Al mismo tiempo, el contexto represivo de mediados de los años setenta llevó a un fortalecimiento de las redes de solidaridad internacional, que contribuyeron a la continuidad de las luchas del Frente de Liberación Homosexual de la Argentina tras su disolución en 1976.

This article contributes to a growing literature on the ways in which migrants are shaping democracy back home. Its empirical lens is Mexico's “Three-for-One” (3×1) Program, in which each level of the Mexican government provides matching grants for community projects solicited and financed by migrant hometown associations (HTAs), primarily in the United States. Based on an original data set constructed from key informant interviews and household surveys in sixty Mexican communities, it uses descriptive statistics, multivariate regressions, and qualitative case narratives to explore the relationship between migrant involvement in the 3×1 Program and accountable governance at the local level. Its central finding is that migrants are most likely to act as effective agents of accountability when they are embedded in translocal networks with local residents.

Research surrounding political institutions and credible commitment to the rule of law is integral to recent efforts to tie democracy to economic development. I identify the determinants of rule-of-law perceptions in Latin America and argue that constraining elected officials facilitates a commitment to democracy that makes government policies credible. I also argue that aspects of politics leading to deadlock might have a hidden upside in generating policy credibility. I test my arguments against pooled cross-sectional time series data for twenty Latin American countries between 1996 and 2012. Ultimately, my research demonstrates the benefits of functioning checks and balances among elected officials for the rule of law and provides a uniform framework linking democratic inputs to legal and economic outcomes.

Este artigo investiga o impacto da diversidade de denominações religiosas de cunho evangélico no nível municipal sobre a proporção de votos obtidos pelos deputados eleitos que representam esse grupo demográfico. Para alcançar tais propósitos, utilizamos dados demográficos e eleitorais, assim como relativos à composição da bancada evangélica no congresso para as eleições de 2014. Comparamos o efeito da diversidade confessional nos municípios entre dois grupos de deputados eleitos: evangélicos e não-evangélicos. Verificamos que quanto o maior número de igrejas evangélicas com representação no município, maior a proporção de votos obtida pelos deputados evangélicos. O controle do efeito da diversidade confessional no desempenho eleitoral pelos outros parlamentares também nos permitiu confirmar que o efeito observado era exclusivo de deputados evangélicos, não sendo reproduzido em outros representantes. Os resultados aportam evidências empíricas consistentes a favor da hipótese de que existe complementaridade entre denominações religiosas no que se refere ao voto.

Este artículo describe y explica la sub representación de mujeres en los gabinetes ministeriales de Ecuador entre los años 1979 y 2015. A partir de una base de datos inédita y recurriendo a un modelo de regresión lineal, el artículo sostiene que el incremento tanto en el número de legisladoras como en el tamaño de la bancada legislativa oficialista, inciden positivamente sobre la presencia de mujeres en los gabinetes ministeriales. Adicionalmente el artículo discute la importancia política de los ministerios asignados a mujeres a lo largo del período analizado. En este aspecto, el principal hallazgo empírico que se presenta indica que, a pesar del drástico aumento de ministras durante los gobiernos de Rafael Correa, la histórica tendencia de colocar mujeres en Carteras de Estado de menor importancia política continúa en vigencia.

Se plantea en este texto que la democracia surgida de la transición chilena tiene un carácter elitista tanto en términos de los conceptos que la inspiran, como de las prácticas impulsadas por la cúpula del poder político. Esa concepción está presente de modo transversal al arco político y hunde sus raíces en una tradición anterior a los años noventa, habiéndose reforzado recientemente. Ello no quiere decir que la participación ciudadana no esté presente. Antes bien, está presente en múltiples prácticas, no sólo de la sociedad civil organizada, sino también de programas públicos de ejecución local. Sin embargo, el modelo de gobernabilidad surgido de los acuerdos de la transición democrática a fines de los años ochenta ha impedido hasta la fecha que dichas prácticas se proyecten adecuadamente en el plano político. La sociedad chilena parece estar dando muestras que esa proyección es una necesidad política y que lo que hasta hoy ha producido estabilidad no necesariamente seguirá haciéndolo en el futuro, pues el sistema político va perdiendo representatividad.

In recent years, citizen-run anti-crime organizations have brought important challenges to Mexico and other Latin American countries. Under what circumstances are citizens more likely to seek out their neighbors to confront crime directly? I argue that when citizens do not trust state authorities, their perception of the trustworthiness of their community can increase their likelihood of engaging in anti-crime organization attempts. I analyze data from Mexico and find that an average citizen’s perception of the trustworthiness of his/her neighbors correlates with his/her likelihood of engaging in an anti-crime organization attempt. Further, consistent with the main argument of this paper, I find this link to be stronger among those who distrust the police. These findings contribute by bringing back citizens’ relation to the state as an important moderating force in society, and helping us understand when social trust can translate into controversial forms of state substitution.

This article accounts for the role that partisan divisions played in shaping variation in mass preferences for market-oriented policies in Latin America during the 1990s. Most of the existing studies on attitudes toward market reforms have focused on issues such as the timing of reforms, the presence of economic crises, and how economic performance shaped citizens' preferences. Fewer studies have investigated whether partisan cleavages translated into divergent preferences toward market reforms. Were there systematic differences between left- and right-wing voters in their preferences toward market reforms? Did left-wing voters oppose these policies and right-wing voters favor them? Which of these structural transformations—state retrenchment or trade liberalization—witnessed greater mass polarization along partisan lines? This article answers these questions with the use of a mass survey on public opinion about market reforms conducted by Mori International in eleven Latin American countries in 1998.

Environmentalism in Guatemala has emerged in conjunction with trends toward regional democratization and international economic globalization. These origins have helped form and continue to shape the organizational structure, membership, and policy orientation of the movement as well as its strategies and tactics for policy implementation. The ecology movement became closely associated with party politics during the democratization of the 1980s and eventually established an almost symbiotic relationship with the administration of the Partido Democracia Cristiana under Vinicio Cerezo Arévalo (1986-1990). But this early alliance with the Democracia Cristiana eventually weakened the movement's ability to make independent policy decisions and to protect itself from attacks by opposing parties. The relationship between the environmental movement and the state also reinforced the movement's dependence on international financing. These party and international connections have limited the organizational scope of the movement, with the result being that the ecological movement in Guatemala today remains small and urban-based and lacks a strong grassroots foundation.

Which factors determine support for the armed forces? What is the effect of agency politicization on confidence? Existing studies, which draw largely from bureaucratically neutral militaries, find that interpersonal trust and demographic variables play significant roles in determining public confidence in the armed forces. I argue that this is different for a politicized agency. A loss of bureaucratic neutrality activates voters’ partisan attachments, inducing individuals to judge the agency on the basis of their ties to the governing party or leader. Using survey data from Venezuela, I show that government evaluation has a salient and bifurcated effect on respondents’ perceptions of their armed forces. Respondents sympathetic to the governing leader are more likely to have a favorable view of the military while those identifying as opposition are more likely to have a negative view. The results suggest that politicization of public agencies may impose an upper limit on public support regardless of institutional performance, undermine their representativeness and legitimacy, and weaken their mandates.

Este artículo describe el proceso que llevó a Michelle Bachelet a la presidencia de la república en Chile, las condiciones que lo hicieron posible y las tensiones que vivió el país tras su instalación en el poder en el plano político y también cultural. Se pregunta por el impacto de tener una mujer en la máxima jerarquía política en una sociedad que vive las tensiones de la modernidad y por la medida en que su liderazgo profundizará las transformaciones sociales en curso.