This article evaluates the level of interpersonal violence among human groups that inhabited northern Patagonia and southern Pampa (Argentina) during the Middle and Late Holocene, especially before contact with Europeans. We analyzed a particular type of trauma—blunt force trauma—in skull samples from several archaeological localities and compared our outcomes with those of a previous experimental work. The results agree with what is expected for small-scale societies within the regional historical and archaeological framework. The recorded percentages show a diachronic increase toward higher frequencies of this injury among males than among females and subadults, but the differences are not statistically significant. Generally, the levels of violence remained relatively constant during the period studied. Most of the injuries reflect low levels of damage, which allows us to hypothesize that the objects causing the injuries would be elements of everyday life. A smaller proportion show significant bone alteration that could be associated with weapons manufactured to exert violence or hunt animals.

Este artículo, el primero de una serie de dos, analiza la investigación actual sobre el acoso en la arqueología que ha dado forma a la disciplina desde finales de 1800. A partir de la década de 1970, el acoso se reconoce como un factor significativo que afecta la equidad de género. Investigaciones cualitativas y cuantitativas recientes han verificado que el acoso ocurre a tasas epidémicas, en tanto les arqueólogues son acosades, principalmente por otres arqueólogues, y esto ocurre no sólo en entornos de investigación de campo, sino también en aulas, laboratorios, museos, lugares de trabajo y conferencias. Aunque las mujeres en la arqueología experimentan acoso con mayor frecuencia, las cifras de hombres como de mujeres informan de acoso en proporciones inquietantemente altas. Les arqueólogues de color, LGBTQIA+, no binarios y con discapacidades también son hostigades de manera desproporcionada. Como se refleja en las propias experiencias de la autora, el acoso crea una carga cognitiva para les sobrevivientes y reduce el acceso a oportunidades profesionales, impactando directamente en la diversidad dentro de la arqueología. Afortunadamente, existen intervenciones y políticas basadas en evidencia que pueden reducir esta práctica y apoyar a les sobrevivientes, lo que se analiza en el segundo artículo, “Contra las culturas del acoso en la arqueología: Enfoques socioambientales y basados en el trauma para la transformación disciplinaria”.

Archaeological and ethnohistorical investigations in the south of the Colombian Plateau, in the Eastern Highlands, suggest that before European contact Guatavita was an important Muisca chiefdom—largely because of the prestige conferred by the presence of ceremonial centers in their territories, especially around the lakes in the hills surrounding the Guatavita-Guasca Valley. The fame of Lake Guatavita as the most important Muisca shrine was fueled by Spanish chronicles during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which described it as the core of mass offering ceremonies or of lavish rituals for the chief's investiture, which fed both the story and the myth of El Dorado. This article presents the results of the archaeological survey done around the lake. The type and distribution of the material culture suggest that there was a shrine where small-scale ritual offerings took place, rather than conspicuous celebrations.

Polities require individuals who envision and materialize them; in turn, people's political identity as residents depends on them. The polity and the resident are self-evident only in hindsight, and we discuss their co-constitution. During subjectification, people create and submit to an authority. Our case study is the Early Classic (AD 350–600) emergence of Tamarindito in the south-central Maya Lowlands (modern Guatemala). The Petexbatun Regional Archaeological Project and the Tamarindito Archaeological Project have extensively studied this capital of the Foliated Scroll polity. Although its divine rulers present themselves as fully formed since time immemorial, we discuss how they built their authority through self-serving narratives. Tamarindito originates in the Early Classic, and in the late fourth or fifth century, rulers selected a 70 m high hill as seat. Plaza A's monumentality conceals a small-scale labor effort and a slowly growing polity. Only two non-elite households attached themselves to the royal court during the fifth and sixth centuries, suggesting that non-elites recognized the royal authority only slowly. The formation of the Foliated Scroll polity was an immanent process. Self-aggrandizing divine kings struggled to claim authority, and non-elites subjectified themselves over several centuries.

Este artículo discute las evidencias de violencia perimortem y las relaciones espaciales de partes esqueletales recuperadas en la Estructura Funeraria 4 del sector I del sitio de Punta de la Peña 9 (Antofagasta de la Sierra, Catamarca, Argentina). Esta estructura, que contiene varios individuos correspondientes a la segunda mitad del primer milenio dC, presenta evidencias de haber sido reabierta en al menos dos eventos de inhumación, lo que produjo alteraciones de los patrones mortuorios y desarticulación de partes anatómicas. Estas reaperturas se relacionan con una dinámica particular de las prácticas de entierro en Antofagasta de la Sierra. Se trata del primer entierro secundario múltiple identificado para el área, el cual incluye a su vez los primeros casos de trauma intencional y muerte en condiciones violentas. Se inhumaron al menos siete individuos de ambos sexos y de distintos rangos de edad, cuatro de los cuales presentan lesiones perimortem en los cráneos, evidencia directa de situaciones de violencia interpersonal para los grupos agropastoriles de este período.

Inspired by life course and osteobiography approaches, this article explores the life and death of an individual associated with the lakam title (“banner” in Colonial Yukatek Maya; thus, a “standard-bearer”), a nonroyal elite of Late Classic period Maya society (AD 600–850). Although these elites are depicted on polychrome vessels and carved monuments, little is known about their life experiences and mortuary practices. The present analysis centers on an individual found at Structure GZ1, a temple with a hieroglyphic stairway, at the Maya archaeological site of El Palmar, Mexico. Using osteological, archaeological, and epigraphic data as different lines of evidence, we examine the relationship of the individual to his affiliated group. At the time of interment, there were a wide array of social, cultural, and political events both shaping and reshaping the body and identities of the individual during a period of political turbulence.

The quantity of archaeological data for the fortified hilltop settlements of the Late Intermediate period on the Andean altiplano, called pucaras, varies greatly. Some areas, such as the territory of the Colla Aymara chieftaincy east of Lake Titicaca, are well documented thanks to recent and exhaustive research. Other areas, such as the territories of the Lupacas and the Pacajes, are much less documented. From comparative spatial analyses of satellite images from these two territories, we obtained new data on pucaras, whose characteristics seem to differ from those proposed in the archaeological literature. Through a combination of fieldwork and spatial analysis of 295 pucaras, we identified 252 unpublished sites and propose a new typology comprising four categories. Based on ethnohistoric data and the results of the architectural and geographical analyses, we discuss the possible motivations for building so many pucaras; we suggest that some reasons are of a symbolic nature.

Traditionally, historians believed that taking captives was a major goal in Mexica warfare, and this tendency has even been given as a reason why the Spanish conquistadors defeated the Mexica. Although historians have largely revised these conclusions, the perception that captives were important to Aztec strategy and warfare persists. In this article I argue that the need for captives was not great enough to affect Aztec military strategy or battlefield conduct. First, rituals only needed a small number of victims, which could easily be acquired through the normal course of battle, and thus did not constitute a specific objective. Second, Mexica strategy focused on economic objectives, rather than captive taking. Finally, individual warriors were not well equipped to take prisoners. Although captives played a vital role in Mexica society, the practice should be thought of as opportunistic, rather than strategic.

Amazonia and the Guianas possess exceptional potential for ethnoarchaeological studies because of the precolumbian heritage of modern-day Amerindian people. Surprisingly, minimal scholarship of this nature has been conducted in the South American lowlands. On the French Guiana coast, Maillard, a small Palikur village, was abruptly abandoned in 1990. I initiated an ethnoarchaeological study to pinpoint important differences between the interpretation of archaeological and ethnographic data. I recorded the topography of features and remains, compiled an inventory of artifacts and the contents of discard areas, inventoried the cultivated trees present, and described the characteristics of the surroundings. After analyzing the data using classical methods of archaeological inference to obtain a complete reconstruction of the village and the customs of its inhabitants, I invited the chief into his now-abandoned village to describe the settlement as it was while inhabited. In the twenty years since, I have made several visits to track the natural degradation of the site. This ethnoarchaeological approach shows that archaeologists dealing with field data can make many mistakes. Conversely, ethnographic accounts are distorted by the cultural rules and interdictions of interviewees. This experiment suggests the need for prudence in our interpretations and hypotheses, especially in the tropical lowlands, where archaeological preservation is particularly poor.

Investigations of ancient political economies frequently focus on craft production. How manufacturing is organized can provide critical insights on more than the economy because social interactions and political processes are also involved. Here we consider how the acquisition, fabrication, and distribution of obsidian blades figured in the political strategies of craftworkers and elites within the Late Classic (AD 600–800) lower Cacaulapa Valley, northwestern Honduras. This evidence provides insights into the organization of craft manufacture across southeastern Mesoamerica and suggests that current models do not capture the varied production strategies that may be pursued within the same polity.

This work integrates data from several analyses performed on snuff trays and tubes from La Paya in the Calchaquí Valley, Northwestern Argentina, to provide new insights on wood provenance and stylistic influences from other regions during the Regional Development and Inka periods. We use radiocarbon dating and contextual information to show that snuff trays and tubes are more strongly associated with the Regional Development Period (AD 900–1430/1470) in the Calchaquí Valley, with limited correlation to Inka contexts. This also implies the existence of networks that facilitated the procurement of wood from other regions (Subandean Region or Yungas) to make some Calchaquí snuff trays and tubes. There were also networks encompassing areas of the Calchaquí Valley, the Puna of Jujuy, the Quebrada de Humahuaca, and the Loa River region, through which stylistic information circulated.

Caracterizar las estrategias de movilidad de las sociedades cazadoras-recolectoras-pescadoras en ambientes insulares y litorales es fundamental para comprender la interacción humano-ambiental en el pasado. Las prospecciones en el noreste de la isla Diego Portales, en el mar interior de Última Esperanza (Magallanes, Chile), han permitido documentar ocho yacimientos arqueológicos formados por uno o varios conchales. Todos ellos se hallan ubicados en áreas de la costa al resguardo del viento dominante y con fácil acceso mediante embarcación. Los trabajos arqueológicos en dos de estos yacimientos (Bahía Easter 1 y 2) indican una estrategia de subsistencia similar durante el Holoceno tardío final, basada en el aprovechamiento de la biodiversidad de este ambiente de ecotono, con más de una docena de recursos marinos y terrestres consumidos. Entre éstas destaca en abundancia el huemul (Hippocamelus bisulcus), probablemente cazado en el litoral continental. Teniendo en cuenta las dinámicas de poblamiento y movilidad propuestas desde la etnografía o la arqueología para otras áreas del archipiélago fuego-patagónico, los resultados permiten discutir la reocupación sucesiva de puntos estratégicos de la isla, particularmente en primavera-verano, cuando la encrucijada de caminos y recursos que representa el mar interior de Última Esperanza presentaba alicientes significativos para las comunidades canoeras.