In this article, I investigate the Northern and Southern Moche archaeological cultures by evaluating the data gathered and theories developed since their first identification 25 years ago. I suggest that what was previously considered the Southern Moche tradition was the dominant one throughout most of the North Coast, with regional variations, prior to about AD 650. After that date, the “Classic Moche” tradition ended in both regions and was succeeded by distinct Northern and Southern ceramic and mortuary traditions and, inferentially, reorganized social, political, and religious systems as well. The relations between regional mortuary and other traditions and fineware styles are considered in light of pan-regional dynamics including the ascendancy of the Wari Empire.

En este trabajo se discute la movilidad y uso del espacio terrestre por parte de los grupos cazadores-recolectores costeros que habitaron la Bahía Moat, en la costa sureste de Tierra del Fuego, Argentina. Para ello, se analizan las pautas de explotación del guanaco (Lama guanicoe), único animal terrestre que tuvo un rol significativo para la subsistencia y requirió planificación en términos logísticos para su aprovechamiento. Los conjuntos estudiados corresponden al Holoceno tardío y los restos óseos se analizan en función de distintos modelos y marcos de referencia que evalúan las modalidades de búsqueda, transporte y procesamiento de camélidos. Los resultados alcanzados permiten plantear que la organización espacial de las prácticas de subsistencia pudo haberse desarrollado a partir de un alto dinamismo entre la costa y el interior. El elevado consumo de guanacos, junto con los patrones de selección y transporte, sugiere que las partidas de caza hacia el interior y las zonas ecológicas adyacentes al litoral pudieron haber estado integradas logísticamente dentro de un sistema de movilidad residencial localizado geográficamente en la costa.

The sixteenth-century indigenous societies who inhabited the Pacific plains of Panama have occupied an important place in discussions of social hierarchy in the Americas. Beginning with the discovery of the richly stocked tombs at Sitio Conte in the 1930s the origins of social hierarchy and wealth accumulation has been a key theme in the Central Region of Panama. Although the most lavish burial hoards at Sitio Conte contained hundreds of sumptuary goods elaborately decorated with cosmological iconography, no other contemporary cemetery shows evidence for this degree of wealth accumulation. The only other site with mortuary patterning suggestive of high ranking individuals is He-4, where high ranking mound burials were interred following the abandonment of the Sitio Conte cemetery. From a macroregional perspective the increase in access to prestige goods in mound burials at He-4 contemporaneous with, or immediately after, the decline of Sitio Conte is best explained as a result of changes in political organization of the kind often associated with the growth and decline of chiefly polities.

Since its introduction, the study of artifact design has shed new light on the nature of variability in prehistoric technological organization. Few ethnoarchaeological studies exist exploring the interrelationships between subsistence risk, the costs of technological failures, and the design of artifacts. This ethnoarchaeological study investigates these relationships in a transhumant agro-pastoral case study from the southwestern Bolivian altiplano. Three aspects of tool design are explored to document variability in design characteristics between and within assemblages from agricultural and pastoral residences. These design features consist of the reliability of raw materials used in tool manufacture, the reliability of joints used in compound tools, and the maintainability of tools in case of partial or total failure. While time-budgeting constraints differ at pastoral and agricultural residences, the costs of production shortfalls are equally severe. In response, artifacts from both residences are designed to be highly reliable. However, depending on the likelihood of tool failure, artifacts are designed with different raw material and joint reliability to either minimize tool failure or maximize maintainability. Multiple backups and replacement components are accumulated and maintained to reduce subsistence risk caused by the failure of artifacts with high potential failure rates or low maintainability.

El estudio de la iconografía escatológica producida por los mochicas de la costa norte del Perú prehispánico (ca. 50 A.C.-750 D.C.) coloca en evidencia la presencia de diversos personajes lisiados, y más precisamente figurantes masculinos con un pie o los dos pies faltantes. ¿Cuál fue el significado ideológico y político de este elemento simbólico y su importancia en la dinámica del poder mochica? En las escenas que ilustran el mundo de los vivos, estos lisiados forman parte de un grupo, que he llamado “los Intendentes,” puesto al servicio del dirigente mochica. En las escenas del mundo de los muertos, un lisiado de apariencia esquelética (“el Esqueleto con prótesis”) parece igualmente servir al dirigente fallecido. Poniendo en relación estas representaciones con descubrimientos arqueológicos pertinentes, un análisis contextual permite liberar una figura simbólica mayor de la imaginativa de los mochicas, metonimia del orden social y político, que he llamado el “Personaje del pie amputado.” Pareciera que esta figura pudo simbolizar, a la vez en la iconografía y a la ocasión de ciertas prácticas rituales y de sacrificio, la perennidad de la estructura de poder, especialmente a partir de la fase III y posteriormente. Este tipo de análisis contextual permite estudiar desde un nuevo ángulo los elementos constitutivos de la estructura de poder mochica y da nuevas perspectivas para la comprehensión de la dinámica del poder en las sociedades complejas.

Uno de los temas centrales de discusión en la arqueología de Patagonia se enmarca tradicionalmente en torno a la profundidad temporal de las ocupaciones humanas y su relación con el estudio de las estrategias de movilidad de los grupos cazadores-recolectores que habitaron diferentes espacios. A partir de la calibración y la suma de probabilidades de una muestra actualizada de dataciones radiocarbónicas obtenidas para la cuenca inferior del río Deseado, se identifica una secuencia ocupacional discontinua que se desarrolla durante el Holoceno medio y tardío. La información paleoclimática a escala regional y el carácter exploratorio de las ocupaciones humanas sugieren que un hiato cronológico identificado hacia el final del Holoceno medio (4988-3978 cal aP) podría estar vinculado con estrategias de abandono y relocalización del área, en función de dar respuesta a condiciones de aridez que habrían configurado un ambiente con escasa disponibilidad hídrica. Durante el Holoceno tardío final (entre ca. 1500 y 300 cal aP), el registro de espacios costeros ampliamente habitados y la identificación de un marcado crecimiento de la densidad de probabilidad de la curva de distribución de dataciones sugieren una trayectoria hacia un aumento poblacional en el marco de estrategias de movilidad asociadas al litoral atlántico.

At the end of the nineteenth century, Eduard Seler identified the bats depicted on a ceramic vessel excavated by Erwin Dieseldorff at the site of Chama, Guatemala, as the camazotz, or death bat, from the K’iche’ Maya myth, the Popol Vuh. The attribution was never critically reviewed. Nevertheless, it became so deeply entrenched that virtually every image of a Maya bat is identified as a camazotz. We have located no ancient depictions of the Hero Twins in the chamber of the camazotz, which calls into question the salience of this scene for the ancient Maya. In iconography and ethnohistory, multiple figures with bat-like characteristics exist, both bats and anthropomorphic bat-men. Clearly, the situation is complex. We argue that bats appear principally in four roles. The first is as an emblematic symbol representing some group. The bat played a second role as a messenger, often paired on vessels with a bird. A third category relates to pollination, vegetation, and fertility, and here the bat may be paired with the hummingbird. The last and largest category is wahy beings, which most epigraphers now think were bestial forms of personified diseases. Included here are the many vessels depicting the fire-breathing bat, including Dieseldorff's Chama vessel. We argue that the identification with the camazotz should be dropped altogether and that the associations proposed by Seler need to be rethought.

Material culture studies demonstrate how objects may act to communicate information regarding social identity. In this study we consider ethnohistorical, ethnographic, and archaeological evidence for Postclassic spinning and weaving as symbols relating to female ideology in ancient Mexico. We then relate a contextual interpretation of texts and images to contemporary symbolism, particularly associated with members of the female earth/fertility deity complex depicted and described in precolumbian and early colonial pictorial manuscripts. For our case study we analyze decorative imagery found on baked-clay spindle whorls from Postclassic Cholula, Mexico. This collection is representative of an iconographic system relating to female ideology. Whorls, as well as other spinning and weaving tools, paralleled male-oriented weapons to create a symbolic equivalence or, as we argue, a usurpation of the male symbols within a female worldview as a form of resistance to male domination. We conclude that the symbolic system used on spindle whorls and in other aspects of female practice created a communication network understood by Postclassic women.

Recent excavations at the Initial Period (1800-900 B. C.) site of Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke in the Casma Valley, Peru, have revealed the presence of an I-shaped court that is architecturally very similar to prehistoric I-shaped ball courts commonly found in Mesoamerica. Although it is possible that there is a connection between the I-shaped court at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke and those of Mesoamerica, such a connection appears unlikely given the isolated nature of the former court in terms of time (700 years too early) and space (2,500 km too far south). It seems much more probable that this unique I-shaped court housed a special religious or secular activity within Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke and represents a possible unrecognized facet of early complex society during the Initial Period.

A recent survey in the Ingenio Valley provides new insight into the nature of the Middle Horizon on the south coast of Peru. A reconsideration of the Tres Palos I and II sites could provide a new perspective on Wari expansion into the region.

En la expresión material de las sociedades prehispánicas que habitaron la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (SNSM), Colombia, durante los periodos cronológicos Nahuange (100–1000 dC) y Tairona (1000–1600 dC) se aprecia una amplia variedad de objetos elaborados en piedra verde. Entre estos se destacan placas aladas alargadas, posiblemente talladas con una intención simbólica asociada a un tipo de materia prima específica. Placas aladas de formas similares se han reportado en amplias regiones del norte de Colombia y Venezuela, Panamá, Costa Rica y el Caribe. En este trabajo, la identificación de la materia prima a partir de estudios arqueométricos realizados sobre placas aladas prehispánicas de la SNSM revela que estas están elaboradas en jade tipo nefrita, serpentinita y calcedonia. Las características mineralógicas de los artefactos fueron comparadas con la asociación mineralógica identificada en rocas de la Formación Punta Betín, la Formación Rodadero y el Batolito de Santa Marta de la Sierra Nevada. La similitud mineralógica encontrada entre las placas y las rocas estudiadas permite proponer una fuente geológica de origen local en la SNSM.

Our approach assumes that pots are tools, containers whose performance characteristics are adjusted to their primary uses. Traditional agricultural peoples generally distinguish among multiple vessel shapes that have distinct intended uses. In this article, we present afunctional analysis of vessel shapes and sizes performed on a sample of 160 rim sherds from the site of El Chorro de Malta, Cuba. These were assigned to 13 defined vessel shapes, most of which displayed more than one size mode based on estimated orifice diameters. The majority of specimens from El Chorro de Malta are low-profile, composite-contour bowls made in medium and large size modes, followed in frequency by simple-contour bowls and plates. Late Ceramic Age peoples in the Greater Antilles are historically documented as participating in the manioc breadcake-cassareep- stewpot foodway common to much of the tropical lowlands of northern South America. Consequently, it should be possible to show how the container assemblage of El Chorro de Malta is adapted to the requirements of that foodway. We note that, ethnographically, the elaborate processing of bitter manioc itself to produce breadcakes as a staple food does not necessarily require pottery vessels at all. Nonetheless, common stewing as a key component of the foodway—including the production of the condiment called cassareep in the Guianas—can require several containers with potentially distinct performance requirements: one to collect the juice below the sleeve press, another to reduce the expressed juice to the thickened sauce over afire, and a third, the stewpot itself, adapted to simmering vegetable and meat stews. We provisionally suggest that some of the most common shape-size classes at El Chorro de Malta are suited to producing and serving stews and cassareep, the traditional complement to eating manioc breadcake.

In this article, we present research on Inka actions in the face of resistance by indigenous peoples on the northern frontier. We link fieldwork at the Pambamarca complex in northern Ecuador with historic documents to provide important context for further examining imperial processes. With its three site types, Pambamarca offers an opportunity to examine the range of tendencies that groups undergo during imperial moments. Its sites show evidence of both direct displays and the materialization of forceful control or takeover, as well as the more passive, nonsettler, decentralized hegemonic narratives also commonly associated with empire. Here we present detailed data for Inka military installations used to confront a prolonged resistance by the País Caranqui, a decentralized confederation of Caranqui-Cayambe peoples. Evidence from surveys and excavations— including architectural planning, distribution of artifacts, and military encounters—at two large sites in the complex, Quitoloma and Campana Pucara, helps expand our current understandings of the Inka invasion in northern Ecuador while broadening our perspective on the imperial narrative in South America.

Several khipus—Inka knotted-string recording devices—were recently excavated at a storage facility at the Peruvian south coast site of Inkawasi, found buried under agricultural produce (i.e., chili peppers, peanuts, and black beans). These khipus contain a formulaic arrangement of numerical values not encountered on khipus from elsewhere in Tawantinsuyu (the Inka Empire). The formula includes first, a large number, hypothesized to record the sum total of produce included in a deposit, followed by a “fixed number,” and then one or more additional numbers. The fixed number plus the additional number(s) sum to the original large number. It is hypothesized that the fixed number represents an amount deducted from the deposit to support storage facility personnel. As such, it represented a tax assessed on deposits, the first evidence we have for a system of taxation on goods in the Inka Empire. It is proposed that the size and complexity of the storage facility at Inkawasi prompted the “invention” of a kind of financing instrument—taxation—not known previously from Inka administration. We also consider, but provisionally set aside, the alternative hypothesis that the fixed values recorded on the Inkawasi khipus could have represented amounts of seeds set aside from deposits for the next year's planting.

Stranded in Jamaica for a year in AD 1503, Christopher Columbus and crew became reliant on the Taíno village of Maima for provisions. Recent archaeological survey and excavations at this site document a sizeable hillside settlement established early in the White Marl period of Jamaican culture history with continued occupation up to Spanish contact. Beginning by 13th to 14th century AD, the people at Maima expanded their settlement capacity across the hillslope through construction of house terraces and platforms employing large volumes of limestone rock and gravel fill. Archaeological excavation on these features has exposed at least one circular, center-pole Taíno house with a surprisingly limited floor space. A review of Jamaican archaeology suggests both hillside terracing and small house form is characteristic of Jamaican Taíno village configuration more broadly. This pattern stands in contrast to other areas of Taíno settlement in the Caribbean, and to the small number of Spanish chronicles in which Taíno villages and houses are described.

Este trabajo discute el uso de plantas psicoactivas en el Valle de Azapa del norte de Chile. Al respecto, en el norte de Chile existen evidencias arqueológicas materiales tempranas e ininterrumpidas relacionadas con prácticas psicoactivas en torno a la Anadenanthera, acompañadas de evidencia química que consigna el consumo de Erythroxylum. En este contexto, se evalúa el consumo de Anadenanthera y Banisteriopsis en el cabello de treinta y dos momias del período Medio (ca. 500–1000 d.C.) del Valle de Azapa, mediante cromatografía gaseosa y espectrometría de masa. De los casos analizados ninguno resultó positivo para el consumo de Anadenanthera, pero dos resultaron positivos para la ingesta de Banisteriopsis, planta psicoactiva preparada como infusión denominada generalmente Ayahuasca. Se postula que el consumo de Banisteriopsis en el Valle de Azapa estaría relacionado con prácticas curativas y medicinales como por ejemplo en el parto y/o puerperio, más que una práctica alucinógena.

The geology of the Darwin Forest in central-western Argentina has been extensively studied since it was originally described by the author of On the Origin of Species. However, its role as a source and quarry of lithic raw materials throughout human history in the region has received less attention. In this paper, we evaluate the potential of the fossil trunks as knappable resources. Geological and archaeological surveys characterize the different features of human use in the Paramillos and Los Colorados geological formations. Petrographics and GIS analysis are also developed. Results show a strategic location of the sources related to Uspallata valley and Precordilleran sites (Agua de la Cueva). The favorable conditions related to accessibility and visibility, as well as quality and abundance of these raw materials explain the extensive exploitation demonstrated in quarried trunks and the corresponding incidence of primary debitage in surface areas.

In precolonial Andean archaeology, specialists frequently deal with objects whose names and functions are unknown. Similarly, early colonial documents from the Andes often mention objects without describing their shapes or functions. How can we articulate these three features—names, shapes, and functions—for objects from precolonial and colonial periods? How can we define these objects while taking into account intra-Andean variability? This article addresses these questions using one section from a well-known document of the early seventeenth century, the Huarochirí Manuscript. This section includes a term extensively discussed in Andean archaeology: husno or ushnu, which has been translated and described in various ways by diverse scholars. Through analysis of the function, form, and translation of the Quechua term ushnu, I explore a typological approach to articulate names, shapes, and functions and also propose a redefinition of the concept itself.