The labor investment in ancient monumental architecture is an important factor in hypotheses concerning a society’s size, organization, and social complexity. Most methods of quantifying labor expenditures are limited to simply designed structures with a minimal number of elements. Due to the lack of practical analytical methods, complex architecture is often described subjectively, offering little quantitative value, resulting in inferences that could be misleading or wrong. Using Ciudadela Rivero at the site of Chan Chan, Peru, as a case study, this research employed construction industry-standard planning, estimating, and scheduling tools to calculate the labor requirements and construction times under various building scenarios. Additionally, the application of Critical Path Method scheduling provides the means to model and compare numerous building scenarios by simulating the effects of various construction and labor organization strategies in their cultural context. The results for Ciudadela Rivero revealed a labor input of over two million labor hours, which could be accomplished by a modest labor force of as few as 250 workers over a six-year period. These data affect numerous archaeological hypotheses concerning scale of construction, organization of labor, and complexity of social organization.

In this article, we use the precision of Bayesian modeled radiocarbon dates to reconstruct a generational history of Late Preclassic (300 BC–AD 250) Cerros (Cerro Maya), Belize. This research was made possible by long-curated excavation records and material remains now housed at the Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville. Our interpretations build on earlier research and refine the temporal resolution significantly, enabling us to view site development from the perspective of adjacent generations sharing a lived experience. Here we examine material evidence of their collective actions as they built new buildings and renovated aging ones, characterizing their roles in inventing a visual future for the Late Preclassic Maya port that engaged ancestral actions while reinventing the landscape.

Los camélidos sudamericanos han sido uno de los recursos de mayor importancia desde la llegada de los primeros humanos al continente, registrándose su domesticación para los Andes centro-sur alrededor de 4400-3000 aP. Las investigaciones realizadas en la región Chaco-Santiagueña para la etapa Agroalfarera (350 dC hasta la conquista española en el siglo dieciséis) en su mayoría han interpretado la presencia o ausencia de la especie doméstica de camélidos Lama glama a partir de fuentes etnohistóricas o por consideraciones eto-ecológicas. Sin embargo, con el avance de los estudios zooarqueológicos en la región, asignamos por técnicas osteométricas y análisis estadísticos multivariados especímenes al taxón L. glama para un sitio Agroalfarero tardío (ca. 1200-1500 dC). En este trabajo se incorporan sitios de toda la secuencia Agroalfarera y de distintas zonas geográficas de la región Chaco-Santiagueña con el fin de diferenciar especies de camélidos. A partir de los resultados se interpreta el posible uso de camélidos silvestres y domesticados en la región desde los primeros grupos sedentarios. El uso de llamas podría haber sido una herramienta importante para el establecimiento de redes de interacción social a grandes distancias.

This paper analyzes the reading format and reading order of the recently described Cascajal Block, an artifact with an Olmec-style inscription. The analysis, based not on the iconicity of the signs and their orientation, but solely on the formal and organizational characteristics of the text as a whole, and the patterns of repeated sign sequences, suggests that the text was written from left-to-right, bottom-to-top—if one assumes the orientation assigned to the block by Rodríguez Martínez et al. (2006). However, a simple 90-degree rotation of the block would render the text in left-to-right, top-to-bottom reading format and order—the same as that of later Mesoamerican scripts. It is suggested that the San Andres roller stamp and the La Venta obsidian core, both of which exhibit a pictorial image and an accompanying text, allow for a determination of the relative orientation of text and image with respect to each other, and support the hypothesis for the reading format proposed here. Also, preliminary structural analysis of the text reveals several patterns that are possibly indicative of linguistic structuring, and steps for future work on decipherment are outlined. Finally, the findings are placed within a broader context of previous studies of Olmec writing.

La región pacífica de Colombia presenta numerosas áreas inexploradas a lo largo de su litoral costero y tierras bajas. La región sur es la más conocida gracias a la importancia arqueológica de las zonas de Tumaco y La Tolita (Ecuador). Al norte de Tumaco recientemente se exploró la región del bajo Río Patía (Nariño). A traves de este trabajo se observaron asentamientos precolombinos relacionados con dos fases culturales: (a) fase Buena Vista y (b) fase Maina. Los pobladores precolombinos de estas fases se adaptaron básicamente a las áreas bajas de la llanura aluvial selvática y la región costera del sur de Colombia. Hacia finales del período de Desarrollo Regional costero, la fase Buena Vista (ca. 70–500 D.C.) culturalmente se encuentra relacionada con las fases tardías de El Morro y El Balsal de la secuencia establecida para la región de Tumaco (Nariño). Estas fases a su vez forman parte del período tardío “decadente” de la tradición Tumaco-La Tolita (ca. 400 A.C.-500 D.C.) de la costa sur de Colombia y norte del Ecuador. Igualmente, la fase Buena Vista se relaciona con la fase Guadual (ca. 200–600 D.C.) de la cuenca de los ríos Santiago y Cayapas, en el norte de la costa ecuatoriana. Posteriormente, la llegada de nuevos grupos al bajo Patía se representa por asentamientos de la fase Maina datados hacia el 880 D.C., hasta, probablemente, el contacto europeo. Esta fase se caracteriza primordialmente por una industria alfarera sencilla y poco decorada en relación con la cerámica de la fase anterior. Algunos de los sitios tardíos a su vez podrían corresponder a asentamientos de grupos Sindagua que ocuparon el área al tiempo de la Conquista y la Colonia, en los siglos XVI y XVII.

In this article, we describe the material record associated with the ritual performances of prehispanic farming communities in Las Pailas (Salta Province, Argentina), and how these practices are maintained and resignified by current inhabitants of the area. The archaeological site of Las Pailas located in the northern Calchaqui Valley was an enclave composed of a large farming area and a complex hydraulic network that was continuously occupied from the beginning of the Christian era to the Spanish invasion. Las Pailas features several huancas, elongated stones characterized as menhirs or monoliths, which are located in the center of farming enclosures individually or in pairs. Based on their different morphologies and sizes, they were classified into five types. The analysis of the huancas and their locations, together with information obtained from oral histories, suggests that these features were associated with agricultural fertility rituals. Even today, these stones are important informing contexts, although their meaning has been resignified in a new social and cultural context

Shared identities create deep historical ties to community spaces and can facilitate or constrict political expansion. This research examines the relationship between the ways in which families engaged local landscapes and developed shared identities at Actuncan, Belize, during the Terminal Classic period, a time when the city experienced population growth as surrounding centers declined. The nature and location of activity patterns in and around three residential groups allow inferences about shared practices and the expression of identities that those activities enabled and constrained. Importantly, this research includes investigations of both residential groups and architecturally free areas. It uses multiple methods to explore activities and to produce overlapping datasets, including excavation and analysis of macroartifacts, microartifacts, and soil chemical residues. The results suggest that Actuncan residents used not only the formal patio spaces of residential groups but also the interstitial spaces between them. Moreover, one residential group, Group 1, appears to have been a locus for distinct activities including sequential burials and, possibly, affiliative ritual practices connected to ancestral landscape use. Understanding relationships among residents is an important foundation for exploring broader political dynamics, including relationships between residents and rulers and how rulers created, legitimized, and maintained power and authority.

Excavators working in a ceremonial plaza group in the Classic period Lowland Maya city of Caracol, Belize, encountered thousands of pieces of chert and obsidian scattered above a royal tomb. A recent analysis of the chert from this context confirms that the assemblage included pieces from each stage of reduction in the production of blades. Taken together, the quantity of both chert and obsidian makes it the largest reported collection of lithic debitage found at the site and provides insight into the techniques of lithic crafters at Caracol. In this article, we consider the sequence of actions involved in the burial of a high-ranking individual and suggest that the layering of flaked stone above the tomb is reminiscent of other reported above-tomb contexts in the Maya Lowlands. Further, a technological analysis of this collection produced results similar to analyses of assemblages typically found in crafting-intensive residential groups. This finding suggests that lithic crafters throughout the city of Caracol donated flaked stone material for funerary events, providing a protective layer and sealing the grave below.

In this article, we present the most significant results of the Monte Albán Geophysical Archaeology Project. Using ground-penetrating radar, gradiometry, and electrical resistance, we carried out a systematic survey of the site's Main Plaza to identify buried prehispanic features that might shed light on Monte Albán's early history. The most important discoveries include three buried structures dating between the Danibaan (500–300 BC) and Nisa phases (100 BC–AD 100). We argue that the largest structure, measuring 18 × 18 m, was probably a temple platform and that all three of the structures were razed and buried by the end of the Nisa phase at the latest. Furthermore, we contend that these events were part of a major renovation and expansion of the site's Main Plaza that occurred during a pivotal period of dramatic sociopolitical transformation in the Zapotec capital.

Economic directness is a new model of socioeconomic organization for the Paracas culture (800–200 BC) in southern Peru, with wider implications for economic theory of the prehispanic Andean past. Using an archaeoeconomic approach to analyze settlement patterns, obsidian artifacts, malacological material, and camelid skeletal remains, this study reconstructs the Paracas economy by using primary archaeological data from the northern Nasca Drainage. Its results force reconsideration of existing socioeconomic models for the ancient Andes such as verticality, circuit mobility, llama caravan mobility, transhumance, and market concepts. Whereas components typical of these models are often absent in the case of the Paracas economy, our new proposal of economic directness integrates their relevant aspects. Economic directness is defined essentially by direct access to important resources from diverse ecological tiers, direct and down-the-line exchanges, reduced transaction costs, llama caravan transport, unbalanced commodity flows across the western Andes, and forces of supply and demand with major consumption on the coast. These features formed under conditions of population growth, generating a continuous and dense settlement pattern from the Pacific coast to the highland puna zone.

Among the most ubiquitous “functionally identifiable” archaeological artifacts found in the Belize Valley are so-called ceramic “censer horns” or “three-prong incensarios,” sometimes glossed in the literature as “chile mashers” or “pestles.” Since their original identifications in the 1920s, they generally have been regarded as incensarios—or ceremonial objects—and used regularly as indicators of private or public ritual activities. The authors have examined many of these sherds and the restorable vessels represented; adhering residues; the reported depositional contexts; and their functional contextual associations, and submit that the vessels, sherds, and formal types represented had little if anything to do with ceremonial activities, public or private, but were in fact portable domestic braziers or braseros, and are primarily indicative of household or personal domestic activities rather than personal, familial, or corporate ritual observances. In actuality, two distinct classes of three-horned burner stands do exist and can be distinguished by appearance, intactness, and context. We describe and discuss both classes, and reiterate that although previously used to identify household shrines, religious activities, or other ideo-ritual observances, the majority of these vessels had little or nothing to do with anything other than warming beanpots, beans, or hands, or keeping away biting insects.

El estudio del registro arqueobotánico asociado a un individuo femenino del sitio de Quilicura 1 permitió acercarnos a entender cómo los contextos funerarios del periodo Tardío (1400-1536 dC) contribuyen a la comprensión de los procesos sociopolíticos asociados a la presencia inka en la zona central de Chile. A través de los carporrestos y microrrestos de los residuos de uso de piezas cerámicas ofrendadas, se logró determinar el uso de plantas silvestres y domesticadas en la preparación de alimentos para los difuntos. Estas comidas y preparaciones tipo chicha, además de la presencia de un conjunto de artefactos vinculados a su preparación y consumo, habrían sido la esencia de la hospitalidad, una actividad fundamental en la integración eficiente de las poblaciones locales y, por ende, del funcionamiento del Tawantinsuyu.

Seven AMS radiocarbon dates (1950–1525 cal BC) from controlled contexts demonstrate Early Formative period occupation in coastal Oaxaca, Mexico. These dated elements from the site of La Consentida include hearths, occupational surfaces, carbon adhering to pottery from a midden, and human bone collagen processed with XAD purification. They were excavated from primary contexts and do not represent redeposited materials. An eighth sample, dated to the Middle Formative period, is considered postoccupational. The diversity of dated deposits and features, their distribution, and their overlapping calibrated ranges indicate settlement by an initial Early Formative period village.

El objetivo de este trabajo es examinar la presencia o ausencia de una ideología colectiva en la expresión iconográfica de la cerámica polícroma de Tepeticpac, asentamiento fundador y miembro activo de Tlaxcallan durante el Posclásico tardío (1250–1519 dC). De acuerdo con la teoría de acción colectiva recientemente aplicada para Tlaxcallan, hipotetizamos que estas vasijas deberían carecer de íconos ligados a nobles, gobernantes o personajes particulares, promoviendo más bien la unidad colectiva. Para evaluar esta hipótesis, analizamos materiales procedentes de diversas excavaciones realizadas en plazas, conjuntos arquitectónicos, terrazas y templos. Concluimos que, lejos de privilegiar a personajes, individuos o incluso a una deidad en particular, la cerámica polícroma más bien muestra temas que no fueron regulados por las élites políticas y que están centrados en alusiones al sacrificio, la guerra, las festividades, los dioses, la jerarquía noble y probablemente, los méritos por conquista, temas y actividades en los que cualquier individuo, a cualquier rango, pudo involucrarse.

Our interdisciplinary study provides new information and interpretations of Ossuary I, a large assemblage of human bones associated with the ceremonial center dedicated to a life-size clay figure of a splendidly attired human skeleton (often identified as Mictlantecuhtli in the archaeological literature) at the site of El Zapotal in south-central Veracruz-Recovered in 1971, this assemblage has been interpreted as a ritual deposit of women who died during childbirth, whose bodies were dedicated in later Aztec lore to the Tlazolteotl goddess. The present paper provides new insights into the depositional sequence, the type and number of individuals within the assemblage, the sex and age profile of the mostly female cohort, the distribution of artificial head shapes as an ethnic marker, and evidence of perimortem violence and postmortem processing in the form of flaying. Our evidence indicates that Ossuary I represents the slow accumulation of loose bones and limb segments of partially skinned individuals in a circular shaft. Postdating the functioning of the Death God adoratorio and showing fluctuations in the patterns of pre-depositional body treatment, the assemblage expresses the Late Classic period ritual practice of flaying both males and females in Veracruz. In later stages, the ossuary was used again for a female cult, consistent with the original interpretation of women who died during childbirth.

Meggers's commentary does not effectively address our critique of the seriational argument that large Amazonian sites always represent occupational palimpsests. As a consequence, more general claims about the limitations that Amazonian environments posed for prehistoric cultural development based on this same argument remain unconvincing and fail to account for relevant variability in the archaeological record.

The impressive multi-story funerary monuments found in the Upper Marañón Drainage of the northern Central Andes of Peru have long fascinated people. Archaeologists and historians have studied their spatial distribution to define the identity of the populations occupying the region during the Late Intermediate period (A.D. 1000—1450). Rather than focus on monumental architecture, in this paper I explore group identity in the Upper Mara ñon by analyzing the shape and layout of houses and evidence of residential funerary practices. Based on a regional comparative approach, I argue that diversity in domestic architecture and mortuary customs reflects a constellation of distinct collective identities

The Carboncillo area in the southern highlands of Ecuador is identified as the only confirmed source of archaeological obsidian located in the country outside of the northern highlands and is the first identified in the large gap between the known Ecuadorian and Peruvian sources. With the identification of this source, it can no longer be assumed that all obsidian found in Ecuador came from sources in the northern highlands. Thus the Carboncillo source has significant implications for interpreting patterns of long-distance exchange in the Andes, especially in southern Ecuador and the far north of Peru. A geochemical analysis of the Carboncillo material shows that it can be easily distinguished from the obsidian from other Ecuadorian sources. A provenance study of archaeological obsidian samples from the southern highlands of Ecuador using x-ray fluorescence demonstrates that the Carboncillo obsidian was used at the Preceramic site of Chobshi Cave and at a number of late prehispanic sites in the Saraguro region. The results indicate a high level of sociopolitical and economic isolation in late prehistory, most likely tied to a preoccupation with warfare between neighboring groups, and provide additional evidence that the economic organization of the southern highlands differed markedly from that of the north during this time.

Huencú Nazar es un sitio arqueológico a cielo abierto localizado en el Sistema Lagunar Hinojo-Las Tunas (región pampeana, Argentina) que fue ocupado durante el Holoceno tardío (ca. 3000 aP). En un área de 5.000 m2 se distribuyen 22 fogones, escondrijos de roca y concentraciones de rocas granitoides. En uno de los sectores excavados se registraron fogones en cubeta y el uso de huesos de Lama guanicoe (Artiodactyla, Camelidae) como combustible. El uso de combustible óseo permitió solucionar el problema de los residuos molestos para la comodidad de las personas ubicadas alrededor de los fogones. En torno a las estructuras de combustión se depositaron materiales relacionados con la subsistencia y la tecnología.

A través de la morfometría geométrica, este estudio explora la influencia del contexto cronológico y de procedencia en la variabilidad morfológica de 75 anzuelos de concha de Choromytilus chorus provenientes de siete sitios arqueológicos de la comuna de Taltal, en la costa sur del Desierto de Atacama, Chile. Los resultados muestran diferencias significativas en las formas de los anzuelos provenientes de distintos sitios y períodos. El rasgo que explica el mayor porcentaje de variación morfológica es el largo de una de las puntas, seguido por la abertura del anzuelo. Se identifican tres momentos clave en la evolución morfológica de estos artefactos. Entre 8500 y 7500 cal aP aparecen los primeros anzuelos, predominantemente sin vástago y de abertura amplia pero variable. De 7500 cal aP en adelante, la tecnología prolifera y se diversifica: los anzuelos sin vástago y con abertura amplia siguen predominando, pero formas con vástago y abertura media también están presentes en el kit de pesca. Finalmente, entre 5500 y 4500 cal aP el número de anzuelos disminuye, desaparecen las formas circulares y se mantienen las formas con vástago, pero con abertura más estrecha. El caso de estudio de Taltal contribuye a enriquecer el conocimiento sobre la tecnología del anzuelo en concha a lo largo del Pacífico.