In the last four decades, a number of archaeologists and art historians have posited that “Toltec” Chichén Itzá (Yucatán, Mexico) flourished during the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. They argued that because the “Toltec” style in Yucatán predated the Tollan phase at Tula (Hidalgo, Mexico), most of the style features shared between the cities originated with the Maya. Here, I examine the relevance of the Epiclassic relief sculpture of Tula Chico for the timing and nature of contact between Tula and Chichén Itzá. The presence of reliefs of reclining figures in clear “Toltec” style at Tula Chico in contexts predating their occurrence at Chichén Itzá suggests that claims for a predominantly Maya origin for that style stand in need of revision. Such a rethinking is supported by other fragmentary images from Tula Chico (eagles and Venus symbols), as well as by new studies of ceramic materials and chronology at Chichén Itzá. It is clear that Tula was an active participant in whatever interactions led to similar visual arts at Chichén Itzá, and at least some of the shared iconography has temporal priority at Tula.

In recent decades, archaeology has provided evidence of the diverse nature of colonialism as well as of the specific local histories associated with this globalizing process. Archaelogists have also investigated the strategies of interaction and resistance adopted by indigenous peoples when faced with attempts at economic, political, and social domination. This article presents data about the dynamics of mobility and territorial occupation in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of the Asurini do Xingu, an indigenous group living on the middle Xingu River in the Amazon rainforest, in the southern portion of the Brazilian state of Pará. We show that these dynamics represent a conscious and strategic choice by the Asurini to preserve their way of life in the face of colonialism and the expansion of capitalism.

A precolumbian Maya dock and dam complex was located on the Río Hondo in northwestern Belize near the site of Blue Creek. Survey and excavation showed a range of activities to be associated with the complex, including lithic raw material procurement and manufacture. The discovery also underscores Blue Creek’s role in long-distance commercial exchange involving lowland riverine systems. Large quantities of exotic commodities, including jadeite from the Motagua River valley in Guatemala and stone tools from the industrial manufacturing site of Colhá, Belize, have been recovered from Preclassic and Classic period deposits at Blue Creek, and the site is posited as a vital point of transshipment responsible for the filtering of peripheral resources into the central lowlands. The Blue Creek dock and dam provides a rare glimpse of Maya riverine architecture and offers tangible evidence of infrastructural supports associated with maritime commerce.

Recent analyses use geometric morphometrics (GM), the quantitative study of shape and its variation, to examine aspects of the archaeological record. Our research builds on such applications to examine the organization of production by applying GM analysis to whole ceramic vessels from the Casas Grandes culture of northwest Mexico. We quantify variation in vessel shape and size and conclude that specialists made at least some of the Ramos and Babicora Polychromes, but that the other Casas Grandes ceramic types were generally made by nonspecialists. This bolsters arguments for Medio period (AD 1200 to 1450) specialized production above the household level but indicates that specialized production was limited to a subset of economically valuable goods. We further suggest some Ramos Polychrome was made by attached specialists associated with elites at Paquime, the religious center of the Medio period, whereas some Babicora Polychrome was made by independent specialists. The analysis contributes to three important anthropological topics: (1) the study of the Medio period Casas Grandes culture, and by extension the organization of production in mid-level hierarchically organized societies; (2) geometric morphometric analysis of archaeological collections; and (3) the Standardization Hypothesis and the relationship between artifact standardization and the organization of production.

Investigations begun in 2003 and continued through 2005 at Chocolá, in Southwestern Guatemala, have determined the existence of an extensive Preclassic network of well-engineered subterranean canals. The hydraulics discovered at the site, as well as other findings, add to long-standing evidence of Preclassic developments in the site's immediate region. While I consider an impressive Preclassic hydraulic system proven for Chocolá, a similarly early industry of cacao—a high-water demand plant of pan-Mesoamerican importance and native to the region—is discussed here admittedly only as a plausible hypothesis, based on copious ethnohistoric attestation but also on the long-known but disparate evidence of a temporal priority to many developments considered key to later Classic Maya civilization that are found in the Southern Maya area.

This article argues that the Mexica emperor's mantle was a fiber net rectangle studded with actual turquoise beads or plaques, a conclusion that is contrary to technically based interpretations of the garment as a tie-dyed cotton cape. The purpose of making this distinction is to increase our understanding of the symbolism embodied by Mexica costume within a cultural and historical context. Known as xiuhtlalpiltilmatl in Nahuatl, the mantle is said to have had its origins in Toltec times. Later it was worn mainly by Mexica emperors at accession and other ceremonies to symbolize continuity with their Toltec and Chichimec predecessors. Within the context of Mexica ideology, the garment served this symbolic purpose through its very materials: the rough agave net alludes to nomadic Chichimec warriors of the desert, while turquoise refers to the civilized, sedentary, agriculturally based Toltec peoples.

Snuff trays are conspicuous objects that are found in archaeological contexts throughout Andean South America. At San Pedro de Atacama, in northern Chile, snuff trays that exhibit iconographic motifs similar to those found on Tiwanaku megalithic monuments have been assigned to the Tiwanaku style. In the present work, we propose a new definition for this style based on the occurrence of three morphological features: an overall trapezoidal shape, incurving sides, and sharp top corners. This group includes trays with iconography from the previously defined Tiwanaku style, as well as other trays without iconography. Principal component analysis shows that Tiwanaku-style trays with and without iconography make up a single group that is significantly different from plain, largely rectangular San Pedro-style trays. The relative proportion of Tiwanaku-style trays with and without iconography does not differ between cultural periods and archaeological sites. The results point to shape as an important trait for assigning trays to styles. Furthermore, the results show that during the Middle period four main types of snuff trays were in use: Tiwanaku trays with and without iconography and local San Pedro trays, also with and without iconography. We explore the possible social implications of this co-occurrence of styles.

Presentamos la configuración del espacio arquitectónico de la aldea de Palo Blanco (APB) emplazada en el Valle de Fiambalá (departamento de Tinogasta, Catamarca, Argentina) y habitada entre los siglos uno y diez de la era. Articulamos información de segundo y primer orden, ya que los resultados de las intervenciones realizadas en la década de 1960 fueron sumados a los recientes trabajos arqueogeofísicos, al igual que la evidencia material y procesos de formación de sitio. Caracterizamos el espacio arquitectónico de la APB a lo largo de sus 1.000 años de vida, donde algunas características distintivas fueron: (1) el uso de la técnica constructiva de tierra encofrada o tapial; (2) la construcción de estructuras de formas regulares y ángulos rectos; (3) el encierre de los recintos con un muro perimetral, cuya superficie aumenta en función del tiempo; y (4) la ausencia de estructuras con función ceremonial (montículos, plataformas). Otros rasgos, como los recintos-pasillos en forma de L, se perdieron en el tiempo ya que solo se registraron en viviendas habitadas entre los siglos uno y cinco. También refutamos la existencia de un tipo arquitectónico denominado trazado disperso planeado tipo Saujil y discutimos las implicancias sociopolíticas de la rutinización de las prácticas arquitectónicas en el tiempo.

Tradicionalmente, el efecto combinado de la demografía y la productividad de los ambientes patagónicos ha sido invocado para explicar que el interior del bosque del centro-norte de la Patagonia argentina fue utilizado luego de la ocupación de espacios más favorables, con una antigüedad máxima de 3.500 años. El hallazgo de contextos del Holoceno temprano y medio en el sitio de Población Anticura situado en el bosque mixto permite reformular este escenario. El análisis sedimentario, de los procesos de formación y de la evidencia arqueológica recuperada indica, para estos momentos, la existencia de ocupaciones breves y con cierta redundancia a través del tiempo, con conjuntos artefactuales pequeños pero variados, una subsistencia basada en el huemul (Hippocamelus bisulcus) y el consumo ocasional de especies de menor tamaño corporal como alimento y como materia prima. La procedencia de algunos materiales sugiere que el uso temprano del interior del bosque estaría vinculado a redes de circulación amplias en el marco de una baja demografía, mientras que la naturaleza de las ocupaciones muestra un conocimiento del ambiente que señala que los contextos más antiguos de Población Anticura no reflejan la primera exploración del interior del bosque.

Los cuyes (Cavia sp.) son roedores que fueron domesticados en la Zona Andina de América. Su consumo aún sigue siendo importante en países como Ecuador y Perú, así como en el sur de Colombia. En épocas prehispánicas, el aprovechamiento de Cavia se realizaba a lo largo de la cordillera de los Andes en Colombia; sin embargo, en la actualidad solo es consumido en Nariño, al sur del país. En Colombia existen dos especies silvestres (Cavia anolaimae y Cavia guianae) y una doméstica (Cavia porcellus) y en el área de la Sabana de Bogotá fue una fuente proteica muy importante. Existen evidencias de cuyes domésticos en sitios precerámicos como Tequendama 1, Checua y Nemocón 4. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender el papel que jugaron los cuyes dentro de las estrategias de subsistencia de los grupos cazadores-recolectores y agricultores de la Sabana de Bogotá, a partir de un estudio zooarqueológico y tafonómico de los restos encontrados en el sitio arqueológico Aguazuque. El consumo de Cavia a lo largo de las ocupaciones de dicho sitio, determinó las estrategias de subsistencia de estos grupos humanos. Se consumieron cuyes silvestres (C. anolaimae), así como también cuyes domésticos (C. porcellus). Asimismo, se identificaron modificaciones antrópicas relacionadas con el procesamiento y consumo de estos animales.

This paper presents archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological data recovered from the colonial Spanish city known as Old Panama or Panama Viejo (Republic of Panama). The main goal of this study is to determine the food resources that were used by Europeans in the first Spanish settlement on the Pacific coast of Central America (sixteenth and seventeenth centuries). The results presented here were obtained using starch grain analysis from colonial lithic tools and include faunal data analyzed in previous works. Based on the data, we argue that the first Europeans quickly incorporated native crops such as maize, manioc, and the common bean into their diet. In addition to the domesticated animals that were introduced to the region, Spanish settlers supplemented their diet with the consumption of wild indigenous animal species.

Over 30 funerary bundles were excavated in 2005 from a large chamber tomb at the prehispanic religious center of Pachacamac on the central coast of Peru. The largest and most elaborate bundle was found in the innermost part of the tomb, tightly surrounded by other bundles. We hypothesized that this bundle contained the deceased leader of a social group whose members collectively cared for their ancestor's bundle (for example, by rewrapping it) and continued to use the tomb to inter deceased individuals from subsequent generations. We tested this hypothesis by dating samples from different layers of the wrapping materials and soft tissue from the bodies and conducting a Bayesian analysis of the resultant dates. We determined carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios in the diet of the interred individuals to correct for marine reservoir effects. Our findings suggest that (1) rewrapping did not occur; (2) the tomb was used for over 500 years starting at cal A.D. 1000; and (3) existing bundles were reshuffled each time new bundles were introduced. Overall, diverse lines of evidence indicate that the tomb had a complex use history and contained individuals with diverse geographical and social origins. This challenges conventional thinking about the social and chronological significance of coexisting bundles in large tombs.

Investigations at the site of Huacas de Moche—also referred to as Huacas del Sol and de la Luna—on the north coast of Peru show a continuous occupational sequence from around AD 100 to 1500. The longest occupation corresponds to the Moche culture from around AD 100 to 850. Based on available archaeological evidence, this article examines the impact of an El Niño-like event in AD 600 on the history of Huacas de Moche. Widely held hypotheses assumed that this kind of climatic event caused the abandonment of the site; however, such explanations do not fit the current data. After almost three decades of research, archaeological evidence indicates that after the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600, the Old Temple of Huaca de la Luna was closed down, and the New Temple was built toward the east of the previous one, on the same slope of Cerro Blanco. Furthermore, on the opposite side of the site, the building called Huaca del Sol experienced its last and greatest architectural expansion, becoming a large-scale palace. These new lines of evidence lead us to reassess the effect that the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600 had on the development of the Moche culture at the site.

Faunal assemblages offer rich data for exploring domestication, subsistence, ritual practice, and political economy. Issues of equifinality, however, frequently complicate interpretations because different agents and processes may create similar archaeological signatures. Analysts are often forced to make interpretations based on qualitative observations, which can be difficult to justify or replicate. I present an alternative method for classifying Andean assemblages by using ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and archaeological data to construct a Bayesian network model. The model is assessed using specifically constructed test datasets and archaeological case studies. Bayesian models can lead to explicit and quantifiable probabilistic interpretations of faunal assemblages.

We present the results of stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses of bone collagen and bone bioapatite from the ancient Maya center of Minanha, Belize (ca. 100 B.C. to A.D. 1260). The purpose of this research was to reconstruct diet and investigate the influence of sociopolitical and environmental factors. Overall, diet was relatively stable over time, with maize being a staple in all periods. Maize consumption reached its peak in the transitional Early to Middle Classic periods and decreased over time. When isotope data from dry periods were compared to normal periods, there were no significant differences, although comparisons of isotope data by burial location and type suggest that the apical or ruling elite consumed a more diverse diet, with more animal protein, relative to the lesser elites. The temporal variability in maize consumption seems best explained by sociopolitical factors documented at Minanha and within the Vaca Plateau. This study demonstrates the resilience of ancient subsistence practices in the face of climatic instability and highlights the impact that social and political factors can have on diet and subsistence economy.

The archaeological record of Easter Island (Rapa Nui) has long captivated the public and archaeologists alike. The monumental statues (moai) are the most famous of the archaeological features of the island. Other aspects of the record, however, include platforms (ahu), statue (moai), transport roads, and a wide range of architectural features. Although large portions of the island have been surveyed as part of government-funded projects to document the archaeological record, there is yet no single publicly available and published source providing data on the composition and distribution of moai, ahu, or the many other architectural/artifact classes of the island. Here, we describe a project to build a publicly accessible archaeological database. Using the freely available Google Earthtm mapping service, which provides high-resolution color images of the earth’s surface, photographs, and data generated from recent surveys, we show how researchers can contribute to this database making the archaeological record freely available to everyone with an interest in the archaeology of Easter Island.

The proposal that the Prehispanic Maya recorded the revolutions of the planet Mars was made in the 1920s, and subsequently dismissed by Eric Thompson. Victoria Bricker and Harvey Bricker, followed by John Justeson, have rekindled the debate by proposing new lines of evidence supporting a “Mars Table” in the Dresden Codex. A review of the evidence does not support their contention and concludes that Thompson, following Seler, was essentially correct when he interpreted the “Sky Beast” as associated with rain and lightning. The purported Mars table is in fact a variant of the Chac almanacs that deal with weather and agriculture.

Archaeological studies at Coxcatlan Cave in the Tehuacan Valley of southern Puebla, Mexico, have been instrumental to the development of the chronology for the region and for our understanding of the origins of food production in the Americas. This article refines the Preceramic chronology of the Tehuacan Valley by presenting 14 new accelerated mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon ages from faunal bone samples uncovered from early depositional levels of the rock shelter. Although bones associated with the El Riego (9893–7838 cal BP), Coxcatlan (7838–6375 cal BP), and Abejas (6375–4545 cal BP) phase zones of the cave yielded ages similar to those of the previously proposed chronology for the region, bones from the Ajuereado phase zones at the base of the cave yielded surprisingly old ages that range from 33,448 to 28,279 cal BP, a time prior to the Last Glacial Maximum. Because these early ages are many thousands of years older than current models estimate for the peopling of the Americas, they require reassessments of the artifacts and ecofacts excavated from these early zones.

Many Spanish chroniclers detail violent cultural practices of the indigenous populations they encountered in the Isthmo-Colombian Area; however, lack of physical evidence of interpersonal violence from archaeological contexts has made uncertain the veracity of these claims. At the precolumbian site of Playa Venado in Panama, these accounts of violent mortuary rituals may have influenced the interpretation of the burials encountered in excavations, leading to claims of mutilations and sacrifice, with little or no supporting evidence. This paper considers the physical evidence for interpersonal violence and sacrificial death at Playa Venado based on the burial positioning, demographic composition, and trauma present on the human remains recovered from the site. Analysis of field notes, excavation photos, and the 77 individuals available for study from the site yielded no evidence of perimortem trauma nor abnormal body positioning unexplained by taphonomy. The demography at the site tracked with normal patterns of natural age-at-death at the non-elite site of Cerro Juan Díaz rather than the abnormal patterns seen at the large ceremonial sites of Sitio Conte and El Caño. Therefore, we propose an alternative interpretation of the site as a non-elite cemetery containing evidence of re-use and secondary burial practices associated with ancestor veneration rituals.