Excavations at La Sufricaya, a minor ritual group in the outskirts of the Lowland Maya city of Holmul, have documented two mural paintings inside an elite building of Early Classic date (A.D. 300–A.D. 600). One of the paintings is mythological in nature (Mural 9). The second bears an inscription with references to calendrical and historical events. It commemorates a notorious arrival date at Tikal on 11 Eb 15 Mak (January 16, A.D. 378) on its first anniversary. The architecture and artifacts associated with the murals combine Maya and Teotihuacan decorative motifs, and offer several parallels with Tikal assemblages. The iconography, epigraphy, and archaeological associations of these murals are discussed in relation to the function of the palace complex. This important new evidence contributes to an understanding of which role relations with Teotihuacan may have played in regional politics in the Maya Lowlands during the Early Classic period from the point of view of a smaller site. The interpretations presented here focus on the concept of political intervention of Tikal in the affairs of secondary and tertiary sites.

Recently obtained radiocarbon determinations from the Cañada de Cuicatlán, Oaxaca, Mexico, have made it possible to revise the chronological placement of the Perdido phase (from 600-200 B. C. to 750-300 B. C.) and the Lomas phase (from 200 B. C.-A. D. 200 to 300 B. C.-A. D. 200), the latter being the phase for which substantial evidence of a Zapotec conquest of the Cañada has been recovered. The revised chronology brings the Lomas phase into close alignment with the Late Monte Albán I (300-100 B. C.) and the Monte Albán II (100 B. C.-A. D. 200) phases, during which the early Zapotec state emerged with its capital at Monte Albán in the Oaxaca Valley. The new Cañada dates support the proposition that territorial expansion outside the Oaxaca Valley played a major role very early in the process of Zapotec primary state formation. This strategy of extra-Valley expansion appears to have been initiated before all areas within the Oaxaca Valley were fully integrated into the Zapotec state.

Se describe un contexto funerario correspondiente a una población costera del período Arcaico Temprano, cuyos rasgos se presentan como evidencia para proponer que la tradición Chinchorro sería de origen y desarrollo local. Los indicadores provienen del sitio Acha-3, vinculado a una tradición de adaptación marítima (9,000–8,000 a.P.). Estas evidencias validaría las siguientes propuestas: (a) define un patrón funerario, tecnológico y económico con fuertes vínculos Chinchorro; (b) la evidencia bioarqueológica demuestra que estos grupos manejaban una estrategia de subsistencia bien adaptada al ecosistema marítimo; y (c) representa un sitio funerario temprano para las tierras bajas del área centro sur andina, sustentado en dos dataciones de radiocarbono (no calibradas) de 8,120 ± 90 a.P. (Cuerpo 1) y 8,380 ± 60 a. P. (Cuerpo 3). El patrón mortuorio se caracteriza por una inhumación múltiple formada por tres individuos dispuestos en posición extendida, envueltos en pieles de camélido, lobo marino y esteras vegetales pintadas, con escasas ofrendas asociadas. Aunque no hay evidencias de momificación artificial, el claro intento de enfardar los cuerpos, la inhumación múltiple en posición extendida, y el contexto cultural asociado, nos permiten sostener la hipótesis de que la emergencia de las prácticas funerarias Chinchorro sería un desarrollo más bien local que alóctono.

En el curso de las investigaciones sobre el Paijanense de la costa nor-peruana, se estableció un programa de experimentos de talla de las puntas de proyectil llamadas puntas de Paiján. Diez experimentos de talla fueron realizados con implementos y materiales locales y sistemáticamente documentados: definición de las fases del proceso, tiempo de trabajo, recuento y descripción de todas las lascas-desechos, pesos, características de los productos obtenidos al fin de cada fase. Los resultados proporcionan información de orden económico sobre una actividad importante de los paijanenses y tienen consecuencias socio-culturales. Estos resultados se aplicarán al estudio de talleres arqueológicos ya recolectados. La ausencia de fauna terrestre de gran tamaño en los restos alimenticios de los sitios de vivienda y la morfología especial de las puntas sugieren que aquéllas han sido empleadas para atravesar peces marinos de tamaño mediano a grande, los cuales se encuentran en los basurales arqueológicos.

This study reports a detailed analysis of artificial modifications observed on a collection of human bone artifacts from Carl Lumholtz’s nineteenth-century excavations at El Palacio, Michoacán. The data obtained confirm that they were used as musical rasps called omichicahuaztli in Nahuatl and also provide new interpretations of their acquisition, manufacture, and abandonment processes. Cut marks indicate that the bones were taken from fresh cadavers of at least eight individuals, possibly sacrificial victims. Regarding manufacture and use of these instruments, important variations are observed and suggest that different persons could have manipulated them. Finally, it is possible to demonstrate that most of the instruments were broken intentionally prior to being buried with numerous individuals. Regarding the context in which the omichicahuaztli were used, it is interesting to point out some characteristics of the associated skeletons. Among male skulls, the high incidence of traumatic lesions that may have occurred in warlike context strongly suggests that many of the buried individuals were warriors. This association may indicate that Tarascan omichicahuaztli, similar to those of the Aztec!, were used in funerary ceremonies dedicated to dead warriors.

The nature and extent of the political and cultural influence of the Tiwanaku state (ca. A.D. 500—1100) in the Azapa Valley of northern Chile are debated topics. The absolute chronology of these contacts also remains somewhat unclear. Much of the debate has centered on the origins and chronological position of the Tiwanaku-related black-on-red ceramic style called Cabuza. In order to reevaluate the chronological position of the Cabuza, Maytas-Chiribaya, and San Miguel ceramic styles and associated cultural phases of the Azapa Valley, we obtained a total of 16 new radiocarbon dates for the Azapa-6, Azapa- 71a, Azapa-141, and Azapa-143 cemeteries. All but one sample dated to the Late Intermediate period (ca.A.D. 1000-1450). We compare our results with previously published radiocarbon and thermoluminescence dates and carry out Bayesian probability calculations, establishing the most likely chronological ranges for the three ceramic styles. Based on this research, we argue that the undeniable Tiwanaku influence seen in the Azapa Valley more likely reflects processes set in motion by the collapse of the Tiwanaku state rather than an attempt to colonize or indirectly control the Azapa Valley during the Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 550-1000).

Recent investigations at the site of Xuenkal on the plains north of Chichén Itzá provide evidence of the changing regional political environment during the Terminal Classic Period (A.D. 900–1000). This paper examines a collection of spindle whorls recovered during the 2005, 2006, and 2007 field seasons of the Proyecto Arqueológico Xuenkal (PAX) as evidence for intensification of craft production. Through this analysis and comparison with spindle whorl collections from other Lowland Maya sites, we suggest the inhabitants of Xuenkal rapidly adapted to changing economic demands by increasing the amount of cloth produced in their residential settings, perhaps in response to increased tribute demands that emanated from the dominant political power of the region. Spinning and weaving is associated with the female gender during the Classic Period in Mesoamerica. Thus, intensification of this gendered activity not only produced excess materials for the state, but also reinforced its gender ideology. Analysis of these artifacts adds to the knowledge of Maya cloth production and addresses the nature of Chichén Itzá's influence on regional sites during the height of its influence in the Terminal Classic period.

The stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values (δ13C, δ15N) of collagen and the carbon isotope value of structural carbonate in bioapatite were measured in the bones and teeth of Early Classic to Historic period Maya buried at Chau Hiix, Belize. Diet at Chau Hiix comprised a mixture of resources but contained an unusual amount of protein from high trophic levels. There were no differences between the diets of males and females, and there were no consistent changes in diet from birth to age 12. However, children consumed more maize than adults during all time periods. Similarities in general diet and temporal changes at Chau Hiix, Lamanai, and Altun Ha suggest their participation in a regional socioeconomic system. The diets of the highest-status Early Classic individuals at Chau Hiix, Lamanai, and Altun Ha were different from one another and from those of other individuals buried at their respective sites. We suggest that elites created or attempted to create hierarchies of food consumption within sites during the Classic period and that a heterarchy existed among elites from different sites. During the Postclassic period the major protein component of the Chau Hiix diet shifted from terrestrial animal and/or freshwater resources to reef resources, which suggests increased associations with coastal sites. Temporal changes in diet at Chau Hiix closely paralleled changes at Lamanai, but diets at the two sites were distinct during all time periods.

Assignment by instrument of Maya obsidian artifacts to geological sources has demonstrated the presence of several sources and variations in their distribution over time and space. Of special interest is the minor, but long-standing, presence of green and gray obsidian from Central Mexico. More attributions of large, carefully selected samples are necessary to continue the considerable progress already achieved in understanding Maya obsidian procurement and use. However, assignment by visual means is not an appropriate method for the Maya area because of the range of optical characteristics exhibited by gray Guatemalan and Central Mexican obsidians, some of which are common to several geological sources. Moreover, the determination of obsidian sources must not be considered an end in itself. Combining source results with behavioral typology and archaeological data can further our understanding of obsidian procurement and use in past cultural context. Finally, it would be helpful if analysts reported trace element composition in a standardized manner, so that archaeologists can easily compare the results from different laboratories.

La cueva de El Gigante en las tierras altas de Honduras fue ocupada tan temprano como 10,000 años a.P. y da información previamente desconocida sobre la prehistoria de Honduras. Las condiciones climáticas secas resultan en una excelente preservación de esta área residencial. Las excavaciones documentaron una clara secuencia de ocho estratos culturales bien definidos que contienen hogares, así como depósitos densos de lítica, y restos microbotánicos y faunísticos. Basándose en métodos de fechamiento de radiocarbon convencional y AMS, se identificaron tres horizontes culturales distintos. La ocupación más antigua es de la fase Esperanza, la cual representa ocupación del Arcaico Temprano que se extiende entre 10,040–9100 a.P. La segunda es la fase Marcala que corresponde al periodo Arcaico Medio, entre 7350–6050 a.P. La tercera y más reciente ocupación en estas cuevas es en la fase Estanzuela, entre 3900–1500 a.P. El Gigante fue usado como residencia durante los dos periodos del Arcaico. Varias puntas de proyectil largas fueron recuperadas en niveles estratigráficos claramente identificados como del Paleoindio. El examen de los datos faunísticos muestra que, mientras disminuyen los huesos de mamíferos grandes, aumentan los de mamíferos de menor tamaño y los de animales no mamíferos. Una gran cantidad de maíz (Zea sp.) está presente en el sitio durante el periodo Estanzuela. La variedad de materiales de comida encontrados entre la transición sugiere el mantenimiento a largo plazo de una amplitud dietética en el contexto de una economía flexible y mezclada. El Gigante es un sitio que revela información clave en relación a la colonización inicial de Centroamérica y la incorporación de especies domesticadas dentro de una base de forrajeo que acompaña a la transición a la agricultura.

We investigate ground stone tools, specifically manos and metates, throughout the Bladen region of the Maya Mountains of Belize and adjacent areas during the Late and Terminal Classic periods. Because of the distinctiveness and relative heterogeneity of rock types in the Bladen region, we can pinpoint the Bladen communities that exploited the raw materials used in manufacturing manos and metates utilized in other communities. Based on mano and metate fragments that were recovered from the Bladen communities, as well as from communities outside the Bladen region, we reconstruct an intercommunity network within the Bladen region and investigate communities outside of the Bladen to which the Bladen communities were directly or indirectly linked. This investigation shows that if enough geo-specific information is available, it is possible to reconstruct a relatively accurate picture of inter-community relations. Moreover, it is shown that the Bladen region was a valuable source of ground stone for the Maya Lowlands and the Bladen communities were integral players in its exploitation.

Recent excavations have revealed Early Formative platforms at the site of Paso de la Amada on the coast of Chiapas, Mexico. Platforms supported large, perishable structures up to 22 m long. These structures were not arranged in plaza groups or ceremonial precincts, but were scattered across the site. One of their functions may have been to control or integrate social units within the village, such as neighborhoods or lineages. It remains uncertain, however, whether these large buildings were residences for high-status families or public buildings shared by neighborhood members. From 1400 to 1250 B.C. a number of contemporary platforms probably served similar functions at the site, each in a separate segment of the community. Increasingly, however, these functions were centralized at a single large structure (Mound 6). This centralization persisted until 1100 B.C., when Mound 6 was abandoned and segmental social units emerged once again.

El artículo presenta la localización de 10 canteras de ágata traslúcida descubiertas en la Región Arqueológica Catalanes Nacientes Arapey (RACNA), definiendo una zona de abastecimiento de ágatas en el norte de Uruguay. Esta materia prima es el segundo recurso lítico más utilizado en los contextos estratigráficos tempranos datados por ¹⁴C en el noroeste de Uruguay, luego de la arenisca silicificada. Se analiza la frecuencia-distribución de ágata traslúcida en dos sitios residenciales de cazadores-recolectores tempranos, Pay Paso 1 (11,000-8500 a.P.), sitio K87 (10,420 a.P.), y en un sitio canterataller Catalán Seco 1 (CS-1). Se presenta una sólida base cronológica para el sitio Pay Paso 1 que incluye 32 fechas ¹⁴C lo que permitió reconocer tres componentes tempranos donde se registra una tecnología orientada hacia la producción de hojas durante el inicio de ocupación de Pay Paso 1 (10,930-10,880 a.P.). El trabajo discute las formas principales de aprovisionamiento del ágata traslúcida durante el poblamiento de Uruguay, que se relacionan con la accesibilidad del recurso, la tecnología lítica, el territorio y la movilidad de los cazadores-recolectores tempranos de la región. Se registran desplazamientos de entre 140-170 km desde sitios residenciales hasta la zona de aprovisionamiento de ágata.

Chiconautla, situated on the northeastern shore of Lake Texcoco and the southern edge of the Teotihuacan Valley, lay at an important juncture for east-west exchange in the Basin of Mexico with connections to asfar away as the Gulf Coast. Recently, we completed an INAA study on ceramics from Chiconautla to examine marketing and exchange patterns from A. D. 950 to 1521. We present these data and contextualize them in light of contexts excavated at the site by George C. Vaillant, in particular materials from an Aztec noble residence he called “Casa Reales.” We also examine historical information regarding Chiconautla’s role in Aztec society as it existed at the eve of Spanish conquest. We evaluate the site’s particular position at the crossroads of important trade routes in light of recent models of Aztec markets and exchange and what these patterns say about shifting political affiliations in this critical region.

Spanish colonization of the Yucatán Peninsula altered traditional patterns of subsistence after Spaniards imposed labor demands and controlled the movement of indigenous Maya. Spaniards established an encomienda and Franciscan visita at Ek Balam in the northern lowlands of the peninsula during the mid-sixteenth century. Complementary forces of doctrina and encomienda fostered the religious, political, and economic subjugation of the Maya. An analysis of zooarchaeological material from an Early Hispanic period feature at the archaeological site of Ek Balam indicates that Spanish restrictions of population movement and restructuring of indigenous labor altered pre-Hispanic patterns of faunal use. Under Spanish hegemony, Maya residents raised small-sized animals of Eurasian origin, especially pigs and chickens, while maintaining the indigenous dog as a primary food source. The animals used at Ek Balam could have been either raised or hunted locally; there is no indication that animals were obtained through either trade or exchange. The pattern of faunal use by indigenous people at Ek Balam differs from Early Hispanic sites in the southern Maya lowlands and elsewhere in the circum-Caribbean. This contrast demonstrates that tropical environmental variability, population density, and Spanish control tactics affected subsistence behavior and the incorporation of introduced fauna in the indigenous diet.

We explore social and imperial relations in the western lower Papaloapan Basin, especially along the lower Blanco River, using statistical analyses of ceramic rims from recent surveys. This region is sandwiched between two known tributary provincial centers of the Aztec empire, but its relationship to the empire is uncertain in colonial documentary materials. Our analyses illuminate changes in social relations from the Middle (A. D. 1150–1350) to Late Postclassic (A. D. 1350–1520) periods and shed light on the impact of Aztec imperialism. We use a ceramic unmixing procedure to assign collections to the Middle and Late Postclassic periods for assessment of settlement patterns. Next we use cluster analyses to examine vertical wealth and status differentiation. In the Middle Postclassic period, we observe a concentric gradation of wealth and status away from the small center of El Sauce. Late Postclassic changes include the decline of El Sauce and the founding of a new center at Callejón del Horno. The concentric model does not apply to the Late Postclassic period, however, and wealth and status became more highly concentrated at Callejón del Horno compared to its hinterland. We also investigate sparse collections-those with few Postclassic rims-to evaluate whether these collections represent poor residences or, rather, sherd scatter from possible field manuring. The lower Blanco region was likely integrated into the Aztec empire on the basis of changes in vertical social differentiation from Middle to Late Postclassic times and percentages of Aztec-style ceramics compared to known Aztec provincial centers, especially Cotaxtla.

The Late Formative period immediately precedes the emergence of Tiwanaku, one of the earliest South American states, yet it is one of the most poorly understood periods in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin (Bolivia). In this article, we refine the ceramic chronology of this period with large sets of dates from eight sites, focusing on temporal inflection points in decorated ceramic styles. These points, estimated here by Bayesian models, index specific moments of change: (1) cal AD 120 (60–170, 95% probability): the first deposition of Kalasasaya red-rimmed and zonally incised styles; (2) cal AD 240 (190–340, 95% probability): a tentative estimate of the final deposition of Kalasasaya zonally incised vessels; (3) cal AD 420 (380–470, 95% probability): the final deposition of Kalasasaya red-rimmed vessels; and (4) cal AD 590 (500–660, 95% probability): the first deposition of Tiwanaku Redwares. These four modeled boundaries anchor an updated Late Formative chronology, which includes the Initial Late Formative phase, a newly identified decorative hiatus between the Middle and Late Formative periods. The models place Qeya and transitional vessels between inflection points 3 and 4 based on regionally consistent stratigraphic sequences. This more precise chronology will enable researchers to explore the trajectories of other contemporary shifts during this crucial period in Lake Titicaca Basin's prehistory.

Moholy-Nagy (1990) has argued that concentrations of chipped-stone debitage from mesoamerican sites, including Colhá, Belize, represent dumps and not workshops as we have suggested (Shafer and Hester 1983, 1986). She emphasizes microdebitage as the most reliable indicator of workshop location. Her argument is supported by the use of ethnoarchaeological accounts of debitage deposition from stone- and glass-artifact manufacture. Our alternative view is that microdebitage is only one of several criteria for identifying the loci of intensive stone-tool making. The Colhá data are also used to demonstrate variability in behaviors related to the formation of debitage deposits and the visibility of workshop activity. We contend that identifying precise manufacturing loci is less important than assessing the overall scale of production at a site and that site"s role in regional settlement systems.

The Cupisnique (ca. 1000-200 B. C.) and the Moche (ca. 100 B. C.-A. D. 800) inhabited much of the same territory of Peru's north coast in Precolumbian times, and both are noted for their extraordinary and distinct artistry. Despite the distinctiveness of the two art styles, various similarities between them have been noted. One investigation concluded that archaistic copying was the explanation for the similarities (Rowe 1971). In contrast, the present study arrives at the opposite interpretation: that the Moche knew the symbolic content of the earlier images and retained it. Decapitation is a concept that is essentially pan-Andean and, therefore, it is not surprising that both the Cupisnique and the Moche subscribed to it. What is surprising, particularly in view of the universality of the idea, is that both groups employed virtually the same cast of characters. This paper demonstrates a continuity of belief between Cupisnique and Moche societies through an investigation of the Decapitator theme.

A mid-sixteenth-century cemetery was investigated at the colonial Mixtec site of Teposcolula Yucundaa and is shown to be related to the cocoliztli pandemic of 1544–1550. This is the earliest colonial epidemic cemetery to be identified in Mexico. Through archaeogenetic and oxygen stable isotope analysis it is demonstrated that the interred individuals were local Mixtecs, and mortuary analysis sheds light on both Christian and traditional religious practices at the site. Mitochondrial haplogroup frequencies support long-term genetic continuity in the region, and carbon stable isotopes of bone collagen and enamel carbonates suggest no decrease in maize consumption during the early colonial period, despite historical evidence for a changing agricultural economy and increased wheat production at the site. The Teposcolula cemetery provides a rich and complex perspective on early colonial life in the Mixteca Alta and reaffirms the importance of archaeological and bioarchaeological evidence in investigating complex social and biological processes of the past.