El Proyecto Cantona 1992-1994, patrocinado por el Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia de México, ha recuperado importantes datos nuevos sobre este impresionante sitio prehispánico ubicado en la porción meridional de la Cuenca Oriental de Puebla. Basado en estas recientes investigaciones, este informe presenta las características claves del sitio, incluyendo la planificación urbana, el sistema de calzadas y calles, los grupos mayores de arquitectura y la asimetría patente en la arquitectura. Las fechas de radiocarbono colocan la ocupación mayor de Cantona en el período Clásico.

A long-standing debate in Amazonian archaeology is whether large sites represent contemporaneous communities or palimpsests accrued through multiple reoccupations. Quantitative ceramic seriation has been used to support the latter view. This argument is evaluated in terms of its statistical basis and its assumptions about sources of ceramic variability. On the basis of this evaluation, we conclude that the case for reoccupation, based on seriation, is unconvincing.

Throughout south-central Patagonia, at the southern tip of South America, artifacts of black obsidian and marine materials are found at sites far from their sources. This distribution is often attributed to the existence of exchange systems among hunter- gatherer groups occupying the region in the late Holocene. In this article, we analyze distance-decay patterns in the frequencies of both items. We explore the use of decay curves for explaining the existence of exchange systems. We also discuss the notion of exchange as a means of obtaining exotic goods. We conclude that there is much intermediate variation that is not explained by the ideal extremes of exchange or mobility (i.e., direct acquisition mode). This variation includes possible visits or other types of social interaction associated with open social formations. We argue that these mechanisms are relevant to understanding the distributional patterns of goods with known source locations recorded in south-central Patagonia.

This paper explores patterning in ceramic data from an Early Formative component at the site of La Joya, located in southern Veracruz, Mexico. The discussion uses ceramic paste characteristics, in addition to vessel form and decoration data, to suggest that this Early Formative pottery assemblage undergoes an in situ transformation between the “pre-Olmec” Tulipan phase and the “Olmec” Coyame phase. This conclusion is then used to revisit the hypothesis of a Chicharras phase (ca. 1250 B.C.) immigration of Pacific coastal groups into the southern Gulf lowlands (e.g., Clark 1990, 1997; Clark and Blake 1989; Coe and Diehl 1980). A consideration of ceramics from several Isthmian lowland contexts does not support this scenario. The discussion suggests that an over-reliance on the surface characteristics of ceramics at San Lorenzo may have encouraged an erroneous Gulf Olmec origin story.

Se describe un contexto funerario correspondiente a una población costera del período Arcaico Temprano, cuyos rasgos se presentan como evidencia para proponer que la tradición Chinchorro sería de origen y desarrollo local. Los indicadores provienen del sitio Acha-3, vinculado a una tradición de adaptación marítima (9,000–8,000 a.P.). Estas evidencias validaría las siguientes propuestas: (a) define un patrón funerario, tecnológico y económico con fuertes vínculos Chinchorro; (b) la evidencia bioarqueológica demuestra que estos grupos manejaban una estrategia de subsistencia bien adaptada al ecosistema marítimo; y (c) representa un sitio funerario temprano para las tierras bajas del área centro sur andina, sustentado en dos dataciones de radiocarbono (no calibradas) de 8,120 ± 90 a.P. (Cuerpo 1) y 8,380 ± 60 a. P. (Cuerpo 3). El patrón mortuorio se caracteriza por una inhumación múltiple formada por tres individuos dispuestos en posición extendida, envueltos en pieles de camélido, lobo marino y esteras vegetales pintadas, con escasas ofrendas asociadas. Aunque no hay evidencias de momificación artificial, el claro intento de enfardar los cuerpos, la inhumación múltiple en posición extendida, y el contexto cultural asociado, nos permiten sostener la hipótesis de que la emergencia de las prácticas funerarias Chinchorro sería un desarrollo más bien local que alóctono.

This article presents stable nitrogen and carbon isotopie analyses of diet at the Maya sites of Marco Gonzalez and San Pedro, Belize. This study, which provides important insight into social organization, trade, and subsistence economy for the Postclassic and Historic periods (ca. A.D. 900–1650), also expands our understanding of the distribution of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes within coral reef food webs off coastal Belize. Marco Gonzalez and San Pedro represent the first documented ancient Maya populations whose diet consisted mostly of marine resources with a minimal reliance upon maize. Although these sites do not appear highly stratified, and there are no dietary differences between sexes or status, the inhabitants of Marco Gonzalez incorporated more mainland-terrestrial animals and maize into their diet than the people of San Pedro. This finding supports the postulated roles of these two settlements, where Marco Gonzalez had trade ties to the mainland site of Lamanai and San Pedro was a small fishing village.

This study reports a detailed analysis of artificial modifications observed on a collection of human bone artifacts from Carl Lumholtz’s nineteenth-century excavations at El Palacio, Michoacán. The data obtained confirm that they were used as musical rasps called omichicahuaztli in Nahuatl and also provide new interpretations of their acquisition, manufacture, and abandonment processes. Cut marks indicate that the bones were taken from fresh cadavers of at least eight individuals, possibly sacrificial victims. Regarding manufacture and use of these instruments, important variations are observed and suggest that different persons could have manipulated them. Finally, it is possible to demonstrate that most of the instruments were broken intentionally prior to being buried with numerous individuals. Regarding the context in which the omichicahuaztli were used, it is interesting to point out some characteristics of the associated skeletons. Among male skulls, the high incidence of traumatic lesions that may have occurred in warlike context strongly suggests that many of the buried individuals were warriors. This association may indicate that Tarascan omichicahuaztli, similar to those of the Aztec!, were used in funerary ceremonies dedicated to dead warriors.

The function of elite Maya architecture should not always be interpreted literally, for it may also reflect metaphorical and semantic extensions best studied through iconography, hieroglyphic texts, ethnohistory, and ethnography. This holistic approach is employed to help resolve puzzling features of the Cross Group sanctuaries at Palenque, Mexico. The Cross Group likely served as the setting for symbolic sweatbaths, probably involving effigies of supernaturals under the care of Kan Balam, the Palenque ruler who commissioned these structures. This and other arguments situate such information within an understanding of metaphor in Maya architecture.

Temporal changes in material culture normally have been used by archaeologists to reconstruct the cultural history of an area or site. In the case of the Caribbean, shifts in artifactual style have been used to trace prehistoric migrations and interactions between different cultural groups. Unfortunately, there have been few attempts to explain these changes in terms of the social structures of these cultures. This paper reviews the archaeological evidence for cultural change in eastern Puerto Rico and proposes a model to explain it. Basically, the model suggests that changes in material culture in Puerto Rican prehistory are related to the development of social complexity. Shifts in decoration and types of artifacts are seen as an attempt by elite groups to have greater control over the symbolism represented in the artifacts in order to acquire and maintain their power. These changes are not abrupt, but gradual, as social organization evolves from simple to more complex chiefdoms.

We compare the bone assemblages of Milford 1 (TOB-3) and Golden Grove (TOB-13) in Tobago, West Indies. Milford 1 is a small preceramic occupation (ca. 3000-2800 cal B.P.), whereas Golden Grove is a large ceramic-period village (ca. 1700-900 cal B.P.). Species richness at TOB-13 is greater than at TOB-3, both in marine (67 vs. 39 fishes) and terrestrial (32 vs. 9) taxa. Major shifts in marine exploitation from the preceramic to ceramic periods can be seen in relative abundance of tuna, toadfishes, and in fishes inhabiting mangrove and brackish water environments, and decreases in relative abundance of parrotfish, carnivorous reef fishes, and sea turtles. The abundance of tuna bones at TOB-13 is uniquely high among West Indian archaeological sites. For terrestrial taxa, the difference in species richness exceeds the expected, including decreased specialization on big game (peccaries) at TOB-13, with a greater tendency to hunt reptiles, birds, and mammals of all sizes at TOB-3. Factors underlying the shifts in fishing and hunting may include different collection methods and food preferences of non-Arawakan (preceramic) vs. Arawakan (ceramic) peoples, as well as human-induced declines in populations of peccaries, sea turtles, and selected fish species. Another possible factor is site setting, with the inhabitants of TOB-13 having enhanced access to mangrove habitats.

The research reported in this article explores Wari imperial strategies in the upper Nasca Valley of south-central Peru and, building on previous research, documents the flexibility and diversity of those strategies. The focus of these investigations is the site of Pataraya, a small Wari provincial outpost, and its environs. Despite its size, the rectangular enclosure at Pataraya is well planned and conforms to the canons of Wari state architecture documented at other Wari provincial sites. The site was founded early in the Middle Horizon (A.D. 650-1000) and then abandoned during the collapse of the Wari system. Extensive excavation at this condensed version of the Wari building tradition—over 60 percent—uncovered a pattern of spatially segregated use and access within the enclosure. Activities were relegated to specific patio groups with little replication of function, and the sectors themselves were connected by an astonishingly complex system of narrow corridors. The site appears to have been involved in the transfer of coastal products, especially cotton, to the sierra along an ancient road that is also associated with another much larger Wari compound and with the reorganization of an older local site near modern-day Uchuymarca, both of which were also documented during the project.

Alternative models of residential mobility have been proposed to explain the development and spread of Tiwanaku influence across the south central Andes. Within the Osmore drainage, the rich Moquegua Valley has been hypothesized as the site of a significant colonization event (or events) whereby both the natural and human landscape was transformed and integrated into the expansive Tiwanaku state. In this research, the impact of altiplano colonization is inferred from temporal and spatial patterns of genetic variation within and among native groups. Mitochondrial DNA haplogroup frequencies are used as the measure of genetic variation. The haplogroup data are determined for Moquegua Valley archaeological samples (Chen Chen site; A.D. 785-1000) and are compared to published data from 58 other ancient and contemporary native groups. The results support temporal and spatial genetic continuity in the south central Andes for the last 1,000 years. Contemporary Aymara speaking groups are exceptions to this pattern, perhaps because of recent population decline. While the altiplano colonization hypothesis is not rejected, moderate gene flow and relatively large population sizes likely characterized much of south central Andean prehistory regardless of the contribution from Tiwanaku colonization events.

Our recent excavations at the site of Yautepec in the Mexican state of Morelos have uncovered a large set of residential structures from an Aztec city. We excavated seven houses with associated middens, as well as several middens without architecture. In this paper, we briefly review the excavations, describe each house, and summarize the nature of construction materials and methods employed. We compare the Yautepec houses with other known Aztec houses and make some preliminary inferences on the relationship between house size and wealth at the site.

It has been claimed that the puquios, a subterranean irrigation system of the Nasca drainage, are a unique Prehispanic innovation. However, documentary evidence indicates that many puquios were constructed and managed by Spaniards. In Iberia such systems were built by Islamic engineers and were extended by Christians after the Moors were expelled in 1492. The Spaniards brought this technology to Mexico and the Andes, beginning in the mid-sixteenth century. They employed it in agriculture, in urban water systems, and to drain mines. This paper presents new evidence on the 21 Andean areas where puquios were constructed and controlled by the Spaniards and evaluates arguments pertaining to the origin of the Nasca puquios.

Ethnographic observations of floor formation in an occupied and an abandoned Achuar jea dwelling structure are combined with contemporary taphonomic studies of swept and trampled surfaces. These studies suggest that refuse accumulation and incorporation are markedly different in food-preparation areas with ash deposits around fixed hearth features when compared to regularly trampled traffic areas of domestic earthen house floors. These points are examined in the horizontal and vertical analysis of highly fragmented bone remains in an Early Formative domestic house floor at the site of Real Alto, in the coastal lowlands of southwestern Ecuador. The food-preparation area of the Structure 1 house floor contained high concentrations of bone specimens characterized by their large size (over 25 mm), broad surface area, low bulk density, and greater total weight, vertically distributed throughout the ash matrix. The traffic area contained bone specimens characterized by their small size (under 25 mm), narrow surface area, high bulk density, and lower total weight, distributed unevenly in vertical profile. The horizontal distribution of fish bone only partially followed the observed pattern, as a proportionately greater amount of large fish bone was located in the traffic area. This analysis demonstrates the potential utility of bone refuse as a sensitive and reliable taphonomic indicator for inferential arguments regarding house-floor deposition.

We report recent excavations undertaken at the residential village Upanca located 1,600 m above sea level in the Nasca region of Peru in the Central Andes. Although fieldwork was initiated to evaluate the site's participation in the Early Nasca craft economy, excavations revealed a long occupation beginning in the Late Archaic (ca. 3000–1800 B.C.) and extending into the Early Intermediate period (ca. A.D. 1–750), with a principal component dating to the Early Nasca period (ca. A.D. 1–450). The Early Nasca component revealed high polychrome consumption, confirming previous assessments of Early Nasca's craft economy, and association with extensive agricultural terracing, suggesting surplus production beginning in the Early Intermediate period.

Patterns of Late/Terminal Formative period (ca. 500 B.C.–A.D. 300) ceramic exchange in Oaxaca are examined through instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). Samples of 453 Late/Terminal Formative period sherds were submitted to the Missouri University Research Reactor for INAA to determine elemental composition. The sherds came from 20 excavated sites and two surveys in the following regions: the Valley of Oaxaca, Mixteca Alta, Mixteca Baja, lower Río Verde Valley, and Cuicatlán Cañada. Selected for the study were vessel fragments from three recognized paste categories: grayware (gris), fine brownware (café fino), and creamware (crema). We also sampled clays and sherds from known sources in four modern pottery-making towns in the Oaxaca Valley. The research adds to the INAA database for Oaxaca by identifying the chemical signatures of six source groupings that we can link to specific regions and, in two cases, to particular source zones within regions. The evidence from chemical composition and typology indicates continuity in resource use and production practices in both Atzompa and Coyotepec from pre-Hispanic into modern times. The data show that the exchange of ceramics in Late/Terminal Formative Oaxaca was multidirectional, with ceramics imported both to and from the Oaxaca Valley.

Magnetic, palynological, and paleoecological data indicate that in the Río de la Pasión drainage, one of the most thoroughly investigated areas of the southern Maya lowlands, a refugee population remained in the Laguna Las Pozas basin long after the Classic Maya collapse and the Terminal Classic period, previously identified by archaeologists as eras of near-total regional abandonment. During the Early Postclassic period, ca. A. D. 900 to 1200, agriculturalists colonized and deforested the Laguna Las Pozas basin for agriculture while adjacent, abandoned terrain was undergoing reforestation. After discussing the archaeological utility of magnetic analyses, we conclude that following the Maya collapse, some refugee populations migrated to geographically marginal non-degraded landscapes within the southern lowlands not previously occupied by the Classic Maya.

La Cueva Tixi se ubica en la sierra La Vigilancia, en cercanías de la ciudad de Mar del Plata, Argentina. Las investigaciones arqueológicas permitieron definir una secuencia estratigráfica de cuatro ocupaciones. Seis dataciones (AMS) sobre carbón vegetal, procesadas en la University of Arizona, indican que los cazadores-recolectores utilizaron la cueva durante los últimos 10,000 an̄os. El análisis de los materiales indica variabilidad en el uso de la cueva vinculada a patrones de mobilidad y territorialidad de los cazadores-recolectores pampeanos.

This paper examines household architectural variability within the residential area of Sayil, Yucatán, Mexico. Labor-investment figures for residential architecture are used as a means of categorizing variability. A rank ordering of vault area and per-capita labor investment is achieved and an architectural wealth hierarchy is presented for the residential area of Sayil. This hierarchy is placed in the context of Maya land-tenure systems. It is argued that large, wealthy households may have been “first-founder” families in the Sayil valley and thus were in a position to effectively control and monopolize land and other productive resources, including human labor, for their own economic advantage.