This article argues that the national political context of Colombia in the 1970s and 1980s led the Colombian indigenous movement to elaborate an ethnic citizenship. The failures of the left and the decline in effectiveness of partisan citizenship played a large role in the representation and political practices of the premier indigenous grassroots organization Consejo Regional Indígena del Cauca (Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca; CRIC). This article focuses on the formative moments of the 1970s and early 1980s when CRIC began to represent its movement as a primarily indigenous, ethnic one, minimizing the importance of nonindigenous actors. The nation-state, at each stage of the movement's development, fostered the “ethnicization” of the indigenous movement of Colombia in hopes of weakening the southwestern insurgency and legitimizing its institutions:

El artículo analiza la movilización y autogestión de empresas recuperadas por sus trabajadores en Argentina, en tanto fenómeno surgido en el contexto de la crisis socioeconómica de dicho país (2001–2002), aunque vigente hasta la actualidad. Nos centramos en aquellos procesos y mecanismos que favorecen la autogestión. Específicamente, analizamos la relación entre el proceso de movilización y el proceso de inserción económica en el mercado por parte de estas experiencias colectivas. Estudiamos, en primer término, la presencia de mecanismos como la articulación política (correduría), la atribución de oportunidades, los cambios de identidad, la certificación y la competencia dados en el contexto argentino actual y que configuran este movimiento social. En segundo término, analizamos las estrategias de autogestión que implementan los trabajadores y la manera en que las mismas están condicionadas por las características de la movilización social.

In-depth interviews and a three-wave longitudinal study of workers in international export-processing plants (maquiladoras, referred to here as maquilas) of the central highlands of Guatemala were conducted to explore the effects of labor turnover on individuals and households. The data suggest a framework in which labor conditions and sources of support at home are linked to turnover of youths working in the maquila. Turnover in the study is associated with decreased input into important household decisions and a lowered sense of adjustment and life satisfaction. Despite this, turnover is often volitional, representing a form of resistance and response on the part of workers to adverse working conditions in the factories. The study reveals the complex dynamics underlying both involuntary and voluntary turnover in the maquilas.

Se plantea en este texto que la democracia surgida de la transición chilena tiene un carácter elitista tanto en términos de los conceptos que la inspiran, como de las prácticas impulsadas por la cúpula del poder político. Esa concepción está presente de modo transversal al arco político y hunde sus raíces en una tradición anterior a los años noventa, habiéndose reforzado recientemente. Ello no quiere decir que la participación ciudadana no esté presente. Antes bien, está presente en múltiples prácticas, no sólo de la sociedad civil organizada, sino también de programas públicos de ejecución local. Sin embargo, el modelo de gobernabilidad surgido de los acuerdos de la transición democrática a fines de los años ochenta ha impedido hasta la fecha que dichas prácticas se proyecten adecuadamente en el plano político. La sociedad chilena parece estar dando muestras que esa proyección es una necesidad política y que lo que hasta hoy ha producido estabilidad no necesariamente seguirá haciéndolo en el futuro, pues el sistema político va perdiendo representatividad.

This article complements existing scholarship on religious transformation in Guatemala's western highlands by focusing on the important and often overlooked role played by Maryknoll women religious. The Maryknoll Sisters' hospital in Jacaltenango in the department of Huehuetenango became the center of a medical program that included eighteen clinics, a nursing school, a midwifery program, and a health promoters program. Mayas selectively embraced Maryknoll Sisters'medicine and actively sought opportunities to disseminate it. Evenas Maya health promoters and midwives introduced "Western" preventative and curative medicine and promoted a Romanized practice of Catholicism, they transformed the Maryknoll Sisters' medical programs to parallel an existingMaya leadership composed of chimanes and mid wives responsible for rituals of faith and healing. Mayas appropriated, interpreted, and synthesizedMaya and Catholic religious concepts and practices with Maya and Western health-care practices and beliefs. By incorporating Maryknoll women religious and their medical programs into studies of religious transformation in Guatemala's western highlands, we gain new insight into this process of change and into the central role that womenplayed in it.

To what extent has the Argentine party system been polarized along class lines? The political historiography gives mixed and contradictory answers to this question. We explore the social bases of Argentina's political parties using an original database, the most comprehensive database of Argentine elections yet assembled, and new methods of ecological inference that yield more reliable results than previous analyses. We identify two distinct party systems, one in place between 1912 and 1940, the other emerging after 1946. The first party system was not consistently class based, but the second was, with the Radical Party representing the middle classes and the Peronists, workers and the poor. Still, there were important exceptions. Lower-class support for the Peronists, as proxied by literacy rates, declined during Perón's exile, which implies that the party had trouble mobilizing lower-class illiterate voters. Since the return to democracy in 1983, class polarization has again found some expression in the party system.