I was invited to discuss with you the teaching of International Relations in Negro Colleges. I have changed my subject to the Teaching of International Relations. There is no justification for teaching International Relations in any different way in a Negro College from the way it should be taught in a white college. In teaching at Howard University I present the same material in the same manner as I would at Michigan, Radcliffe, Smith, Wellesley, Indiana State, or Ohio State. The only departure that I feel is justified is the constant reminder that the American Negro is only one of many minorities in the world and that his problem is not unique but only one phase of a much larger issue. The teacher of international relations at the College level has an opportunity to draw on several fields of learning for there are many facets to power politics. These may be economic, political, historical, cultural, geographic, ideological, etc. Consequently, all the social sciences provide basic material. If the particular course in international relations at Howard University happens to be History 202A – European Diplomatic Relations 1870–1941 or 202B – Problems of Modern Europe 1914–1941 we will find economics, geography, political science, political philosophy, international law and geo-politics inextricably interwoven with the history of these periods. One cannot teach 19th and 20th century imperialism, the partitioning of Africa, of Asia, of the Pacific, of the Arctic and Antarctic regions, and the scramble for world markets and spheres of economic penetration without a background of geography. An examination of 19th and 20th century laissez-faire liberalism, leads inevitably to a consideration of the last phases of capitalism and a study of scientific socialism or Marxism; while a history of 20th century Russia and the U.S.S.R. compels one to examine Lenin’s great contribution to socialism in deciphering the “dictatorship of the proletariat” through the device of the soviet.

However rational, however compelling, however logical the arguments for Western unity may be, however obvious the benefits of economic co-operation, however hopeful the promise of amity between the nations, one may still question whether reason or logic, of themselves, are enough to change the direction of Western development. The vitalities that must be mastered are the fiercest in the world. They appeal to the ultimate instincts in mankind – the protection of the tribe and the struggle for physical survival. Reason may be outmatched in its struggle with such giants. Has Western man other forces to summon to his aid?

I notice that the last war and the flood of veterans of marrying age have changed somewhat our own ruggedness toward marriage. To-day many married men are not supporting their families. The government pays them enough to marry on, and parents add small private subsidies. This is a good change, provided the young couples realize that they owe a debt to society and their parents which must be paid eventually. In China a young couple is sheltered but the old ones expect shelter in their time, also. It is a mutual family insurance. I am interested to see that these recent American marriages seem to be working out well enough.

The introduction lays out the scope and structure of the edited volume, discussing key themes and opportunities for further investigation.

In the European colonies of America, black slavery was an institution founded solely on the abuse of power. In all aspects created by a barbarous and shortsighted politics, and maintained by violence, we shall see that it could be abolished by a stroke, a simple legislative measure when the people it dishonored felt that they could no longer violate moral laws. Precisely because of its artificial character, Negro slavery appeared more odious than any other, for it meant the exploitation of man by man. It was done without pretext and without excuse. And only in the name of the right of the strongest.

Newspaper headlines have a way of sparking inquisitive thoughts, which when satisfied are revealing and for the benefit of those grievously concerned should be well publicized, so that unconscious apathy should not be made a plea for lack of remedial measures.

Intrastate armed conflict has become the most frequent and deadly form of engagement in the world after the end of the Cold War. The massification of the use of Information and Communication Technologies and the digitization of political activities have turned intrastate conflicts into information-centric conflicts. In this context, cyberspace can be a battlefield as well as a space to conduct peacebuilding activities. Drawing upon literatures in conflict resolution and cybersecurity, this chapter proposes a definition of cyber peacebuilding as an active concept that captures those actions that delegitimize online violence, build capacity within society to peacefully manage online communication, and reduce vulnerability to triggers that may spark online violence. Cyber peacebuilding can also shed light on the relationship between intrastate conflicts and global cyber peace, contributing to raise awareness about cyberthreats in the Global South. The chapter uses the cases of Colombia and South Africa in order to illustrate the challenges and prospects of cyber peacebuilding organized around the four pillars of cyberspace outlined in this volume. Moreover, it argues that cyber peacebuilding in the Global South is an essential element of the emergence of cyber peace as a global public good.

This chapter examines the effectiveness of Chinese development finance. At the recipient-country level, we test the impact of Chinese development finance on economic growth, infant mortality, and the spatial concentration of economic activity. We then move below the country level and investigate the economic development effects of China’s development finance at the subnational level using luminosity data at fine spatial resolution (in addition to infant mortality and spatial concentration). We disentangle differences between Chinese aid and debt and compare these effects to those of World Bank funding. In addition, this chapter analyzes whether the motivational forces that shape the provision of Chinese development finance affect downstream development outcomes in recipient countries and regions. The empirical evidence presented in the chapter shows that, irrespective of political bias, Chinese aid and debt improve socio- economic outcomes at both national and subnational scales. However, these impacts vary significantly across jurisdictions. We also find that socio-economic impacts of Chinese development projects are comparable, if not superior, to those generated by the World Bank.

In this book, we introduced and analyzed the 1.0 version of AidData’s global dataset of Chinese ODA- and OOF-financed projects. Shortly after we completed our manuscript (Chapters 1–9), we collaborated with AidData to publish a new (2.0) version of the dataset based upon an improved version of the TUFF methodology (Custer et al. 2021). The 2.0 dataset, which was published in September 2021, captures 13,427 Chinese ODA- and OOF-financed projects worth US$843.1 billion across 165 countries. These projects were financed by more than 330 Chinese government institutions and state-owned entities. The dataset covers projects approved (i.e., officially committed) between 2000 and 2017—and implemented between 2000 and 2021—in every low-income, lower-middle income, and upper-middle income country and territory across Africa, Asia, Oceania, the Middle East, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Central and Eastern Europe.

Man is a product of the earth’s surface. This means not merely that he is a child of the earth, dust of her dust; but that the earth has mothered him, fed him, set him tasks, directed his thoughts, confronted him with difficulties that have strengthened his body and sharpened his wits, given him his problems of navigation or irrigation, and at the same time whispered hints for their solution. She has entered into his bone and tissue, into his mind and soul. On the mountains she has given him leg muscles of iron to climb the slope; along the coast she has left these weak and flabby, but given him instead vigorous development of chest and arm to handle his paddle or oar. In the river valley she attaches him to the fertile soil, circumscribes his ideas and ambitions by a dull round of calm, exacting duties, narrows his outlook to the cramped horizon of his farm. Up on the windswept plateaus, in the boundless stretch of the grasslands and the waterless tracts of the desert, where he roams with his flocks from pasture to pasture and oasis to oasis, where life knows much hardship but escapes the grind of drudgery, where the watching of grazing herds gives him leisure for contemplation, and the wide-ranging life a big horizon, his ideas take on a certain gigantic simplicity; religion becomes monotheism. God becomes one, unrivalled like the sand of the desert and the grass of the steppe, stretching on and on without break or change. Chewing over and over the cud of his simple belief as the one food of his unfed mind, his faith becomes fanaticism; his big special ideas, born of that ceaseless regular wandering, outgrow the land that bred them and bear their legitimate fruit in wide imperial conquests.

When the Colonial Office in January, 1944, published the White Paper on “Mass Education in African Society,” it was the first publication in which the experience of different countries was brought to bear on this world-wide problem. Although this report was written with the British Colonies definitely in mind, and in particular the African territories, it was in effect an attempt to consider Mass Education as a world problem in its broadest aspects.

Wanting to contribute to a sensible foreign policy, many of us are at a loss what to do about it. With big decisions made in Washington, D. C., what can a mere individual in Oshkosh achieve? Public opinion, we are continually told, plays a vital role in foreign policy. No people, it is said, gets any better foreign policy than it deserves. But what can any one person usefully accomplish?

“Universal expectation has perhaps never been raised to such a pitch,” wrote the Prussian statesman, Frederick von Gentz, of the Congress of Vienna assembled one hundred and twenty-eight years ago to bring peace to a Europe overrun by Napoleon Bonaparte. War-weary peoples looked forward to an “all-embracing reform of the political system of Europe,” to “guarantees of universal peace”; in a word, to “the return of the golden age.” But the “real purpose of the Congress was to divide amongst the conquerors the spoils taken from the vanquished.” Well might these words describe the deep longings of the peoples and the objectives of most statesmen one hundred years later at Paris. And again, today, there is universal expectation of an all-embracing reform of the political system, not of Europe alone but of the entire world, which will herald a just and durable peace. Will the hopes of the peoples, especially of the darker peoples, be realized or will the Peace Congress convened at the end of this global war have as its ulterior purpose the division of the spoils of the vanquished and a return as near as possible to the status quo ante bellum?

Choosing to kill the innocent as a means to your ends is always murder. Naturally, killing the innocent as an end in itself is murder too: but that is no more than a possible future development for in our part of the globe it is a practice that has so far been confined to the Nazis. I intend my formulation to be taken strictly: each term in it is necessary. For killing the innocent, even if you know as a matter of statistical certainty that the things you do involve it, is not necessarily murder. I mean that if you attack a lot of military targets, such as munitions factories and naval dockyards, as carefully as you can, you will be certain to kill a number of innocent people; but that is not murder. On the other hand, unscrupulousness in considering the possibilities turns it into murder.