We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected]
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter explores net-zero emission targets in Swedish municipalities. Based on a detailed examination of over 300 local climate and environment plans, the chapter both maps and evaluates the quantity and quality of net-zero emissions targets in Swedish municipalities, as well as how they relate to the national climate mitigation goals. It identifies 39 municipalities with net-zero emission targets. The targets range from highly specific with intermediary goals and plans for how to deal with residual emissions, to lofty, one-sentence visions without any further specifications. The findings are subsequently discussed whether aspirational goals – such as net-zero emission targets – could have an impact on the climate policy of a municipality or whether more specific goals are more effective. The chapter concludes that net-zero emission targets are still in their infancy in Swedish municipalities with large heterogeneity and gaps in how the goals are defined, what they include in terms of GHGs and sectors, and whether they also include measures for dealing with residual emissions.
Customary international law (CIL) is particularly vulnerable to the accusation that it is no more than ‘mere assertion’, a creation of the courts, if not downright fantasy. Yet it is in CIL that one finds the strongest claim to objectivity in international law. It is expressed in the doctrine that one of the elements of CIL is state practice, which represents the ‘objective’ element of CIL. It is thought to supplement the ‘subjective’ or ‘psychological’ element of CIL: opinio juris. This chapter argues that the notion of state practice as a set of ‘material facts’ that should be ‘identified’ and from which customary norms can be ‘induced’ is grounded in obsolete epistemology. The identification of state practice is more adequately described as a selection of what deserves to be counted as state practice. It is argued that the starting point for this selective process is opinio juris. Opinio juris does not come after the fact, as a subjective feeling of obligation that is superadded to a set of otherwise objective facts. Opinio juris is the indispensable conceptual framework without which habits and usages cannot even be ‘seen’ as state practice.
Interpretation is ubiquitous in everyday life. We constantly interpret a variety of objects. Interpretation is central to the practice of international law, too. Arguing about international law’s content is the everyday business of international lawyers, and this often includes arguing about the existence and content of norms of customary international law (CIL). Although a number of scholars recognise that CIL can be interpreted, disagreements remain as to the precise methods and extent of CIL interpretation. Such disagreements are born of a common concern to secure competently made, coherent and accurate interpretations of CIL, given the latter’s non-textual nature. This chapter aims to explore in a preliminary manner two related questions regarding CIL interpretation: (1) Is it necessary, or even possible, to strive towards coherence in the interpretation of CIL? (2) Are there any possible indicators of (in-)coherence in that respect? Providing answers to these questions depends on how one understands coherence in the first place, including its relation to legal reasoning. A substantial part of the chapter will therefore deal with that as well.
The incidence of petty corruption in public service delivery varies greatly across citizens and geography. This paper proposes a novel explanation for citizen engagement in collusive forms of petty corruption. It is rooted in the social context in which citizen-public official interactions take place. I argue that social proximity and network centrality provide the two key enforcement mechanisms that sustain favor exchanges among socially connected individuals. Bribery, as a collusive arrangement between a citizen and a public official, relies on the same enforcement mechanisms. Using an original dataset from a household survey conducted in Guatemala, the analysis shows that social proximity and centrality allow citizens to obtain privileges through implicit favor exchanges and illicit payments. These findings are not driven by better access to information about the bribery market. This paper contributes to our understanding of the role of preexisting social relations in sustaining corrupt exchanges.
Estas notas de investigación son el resultado de un proceso etnográfico accidental e involuntario realizado a lo largo de 2023 en el estado de Durango, en el norte de México. Son un análisis preliminar de la información recolectada sobre la evidente presencia del crimen organizado y sus efectos en la vida cotidiana de los ciudadanos. La mayoría de los estudios sobre violencia en México —y América Latina— tienden a tratar situaciones de violencia extrema; o se enfocan en la población pobre y marginada, que sufre distintos tipos de opresión. Estas notas retratan una situación distinta en dos sentidos. Primero, surgen del trabajo de campo realizado en un entorno de aparente tranquilidad: Durango es actualmente uno de los estados más pacíficos del país, si se mide la paz por número de homicidios. Solo un centenar de personas son asesinadas anualmente, lo que es una anomalía en un país cruento, que reporta más de treinta mil muertes violentas cada año. Segundo, las notas emergen, principalmente, del testimonio de las clases medias y altas, segmentos de la población que también sufren las consecuencias de la violencia, pero que han sido largamente ignorados por la literatura. La investigación evidencia que el crimen organizado condiciona significativamente la vida cotidiana de los ciudadanos que viven en paz, pero con miedo. Los grupos criminales perturban el trabajo y el ocio de los ciudadanos, así como su relación con el gobierno. Este estudio también reflexiona sobre cómo el crimen organizado repercute en el funcionamiento normal del Estado y la democracia liberal.
By providing a new qualitative analysis of policy coherence and integration between energy, security, and defence policies between 2006 and 2023, this book analyzes the impacts of policy interplay on energy transition through the lens of sustainability transitions research, security studies, energy security and geopolitics, and policy studies. The security aspects discussed range from national defence and geopolitics, to questions of energy security, positive security, and just transitions. Findings show that the policy interface around the energy-security nexus has often been incoherent. There is a lack of integration between security aspects, leading to ineffective policies from the perspective of decarbonisation and national security, which is evident in the European energy crisis following the war between Russia and Ukraine. This book is intended for researchers and experts interested in the energy transition and its connections to security and defence policies. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
It is notorious that international courts and tribunals have greatly contributed to the development of customary international law (CIL) by, for instance, articulating the constituent elements of custom and clarifying the conditions required for its modification. This volume demonstrates that they have also been actively engaged in the interpretation of CIL. In elucidating CIL interpretation before and by international courts and tribunals, the volume chooses three focal points: theory, method and normative interactions. Viewing CIL and its interpretation from these vantage points leads to a more complete picture of the role and function of CIL interpretation in international courts. The volume encourages readers to question orthodox theories on CIL and its interpretation, to look anew at what has long been labelled mere identification of custom, and to take a systemic approach to CIL, which, even in the process of interpretation, remains unwaveringly connected to treaties and general principles of law.
This study uses a rational choice approach to argue that an under-theorized and rarely tested cause of governmental discrimination against religious minorities is its popularity. Specifically, we argue that self-interested politicians are more likely to enact discriminatory policies when they believe said discrimination will be popular. These policies, in turn, have payoffs via increased public perceptions of governmental legitimacy. Using the Religion and State project, round 3 and World Values Survey data for members of the majority religion between 1990 and 2014 in 58 Christian-majority countries, we demonstrate that prejudice against members of other religions predicts increased governmental religious discrimination, which is, in turn, associated with higher confidence in government, legislatures, and political parties. While our results are specific to discrimination against religious minorities, this suggests that when discrimination against minorities in general is popular, politicians are likely to oblige.
The rise of populist parties in Europe has generated an enormous amount of academic literature. Previous research has thoroughly examined the factors contributing to the electoral success of populist parties. Surprisingly, very little attention has been paid to the role of decentralization, one of the most widespread forms of governance in the world. This paper aims to fill this gap by presenting a theoretical and empirical account of the effect of decentralization on the electoral fortunes of populist parties in Europe. Using aggregated data from election results in 30 European countries, this paper puts competing hypotheses to the test. I argue that the mechanism linking decentralization and populist parties’ national election results is, in fact, indirect and depends on the existence of a regional tier of government. Results suggest that having representation in subnational parliaments plays a significant role in the national success of populist parties, and this effect is contingent on the degree of regional authority.
Over the last thirty or so years, international law and legal practice have become increasingly more specialized and diversified. These developments come with an increasingly divergent legal practice, in what has been coined as 'special regimes'. This book proposes a new understanding of the concept of a special regime to explain why specialists in different fields of international law do similar things differently. It argues that special regimes are best conceived as communities of practice, in the sense of Etienne Wenger's theory of communities of practice. It explores how the theory of communities of practice translates to the context of international law and the concept of a special regime. The authors draw up an innovative methodology to investigate their theory, focused on the conduct of community members, and apply this method to selected case studies, offering an original approach to the understanding of the special regimes in international law.
This chapter analyzes the interconnections between energy policy and security and defense policies in Estonia with respect to energy transition. After explaining the key characteristics of energy and security regimes, it examines administrative interaction and policy coherence. The interconnections pertaining to energy transitions and security are visible via three cases: the oil shale phaseout and stability of Ida-Viru County, wind power expansion and the defense radar operation, and the desynchronization of the electricity network from Russia. Russia has formed the prevalent landscape pressure on the energy regime, although other landscape pressures have been noted, for example, climate change. Administrative coordination between energy and security has often relied on informal means, which are employed for agility but lack transparency. The security implications of the expanding energy “niches,” such as solar and wind power, have been little covered, although this has clearly increased via newly emerging attention on critical materials.
This chapter analyzes the interconnections between energy policy and security and defense policies in the UK, zooming in on Scotland. It explains the energy and security regimes and analyzes policy interplay. The links between hydrocarbon energy, energy transition, and security are complex, with relatively fragmented governance in place. While some instances of policy integration were found, broader policy coherence regarding security and the zero-carbon energy transition was lacking. Before 2022, coordination efforts were focused on external, global energy questions instead of domestic energy. Domestic energy security was driven by market-based values. Post-2022, security and energy transition links pertaining to domestic energy production and use became more important in political and policy agendas. Scotland has had a differing worldview on security in relation to energy transition than the rest of the UK, with more focus on the environmental and health security effects of energy policy choices and just transitions, evident, for instance, in its opposition to nuclear power.