The decision whether or not to recommend an assisted vaginal birth (AVB) is a complex one. Decision-making about the most appropriate mode of birth needs to take account of the key elements for a safe AVB which are that it needs to be conducted under optimal circumstances, in the most appropriate place and by a competent operator. Safety issues need to be balanced with the aim of providing a positive birth experience for the mother and her partner. The risks of maternal and neonatal morbidity are increased with AVBs, although with appropriate case selection and careful practice these risks are low. Careful attention needs to be paid to the indication for AVB and to clinical assessment prior to any attempt at a procedure.

Grammatical morphemes are used to modulate word meanings and to link words in constructions. They consist of inflections, usually suffixes, added to words, and free-standing function words (prepositions and articles). Different language-types make different uses of these, including cases added to each noun, tense and aspect markers added to each verb, and agreement markers linking nouns, adjectives, and determiners. Children have to identify each inflection, its meaning, and where it is used on each word class. They start to add modulations to their words as soon as they start to combine words (and may understand some of them before this). They use regular forms as their starting point and over-regularize irregular forms. They show some consistency in the order of acquisition for different modulations, depending on the semantic complexity of each grammatical morpheme. Semantic complexity, formal complexity, and frequency all play a role here. Children may initially rely on filler-syllables, and only later produce the relevant form. Word class plays a role here, since the choice of grammatical morphemes depends on this. Initial use of grammatical morphemes may be limited to specific words and only later extended. The same holds for agreement in gender and number.

When I was an undergraduate student, deeply clueless, around nineteen years old, I wandered into John Gager’s course “Ancient Christian Magic.” I had (shockingly) only recently realized that the Bible itself was something other than a unitary Word of God, excitingly and frighteningly more than a single book offered by one divine voice and spirit. Gager drenched unsuspecting undergraduates in understudied and (to me) surprising aspects of the history of ancient Christianity and of Mediterranean antiquity more generally. I can’t remember many details from the course. But I know it left me with at least two books that I’ve lugged around from school to school, job to job, home to home: an old, blandly toned gray-green print version of the first volume of the Ante-Nicene Fathers and Betz’s Greek Magical Papyri in Translation.

Language use is a skill that requires exposure to language, feedback on usage, and practice. So children need exposure from expert speakers, feedback on the language being acquired, and on any errors children produce, and practice along the way. Languages differ, so the paths children follow within and across languages may vary, and some constructions may be harder to acquire in one language, easier in another. The goal is to learn to use language for communication. Language is essentially social, relying on common ground. Part I (Chapters 2-6) focusses on how adults talk with children; children’s analysis of the speech stream; their first production of words; and how they assign meanings to words. Part II (Chapters 7-11) focusses on children’s acquisition of structure: elaborations of information inside clauses, and combinations of clauses. They also rely on structure when coining new words. Part III (Chapters 12-14) looks at turn-taking, learning to be polite, persuasive, and informative, and how to tell stories. Children who hear two languages have two such systems to learn. Part IV (Chapters 15-16) summarizes evidence for biological specialization for language and considers how continuity and change are reflected in language processing.

Children’s first words may bear little resemblance to adult forms (/ga/ for squirrel), and they may at first produce multiple versions of words. Mastering adult pronunciations takes time and practice. Babbling allows practice with some sounds, but those sounds may only appear in words years later. Early vocalizations, at times paired with gestures, often precede recognizable words. And children take time before they can produce versions that match adult productions. Some 70% of children’s words up to age four are inaccurate and variable in form. Children may select some word forms over others in production because they are easier targets. They simplify words by substituting sounds they can manage; they assimilate some sounds to neighboring ones; they omit some sounds, especially in clusters. And they may set up templates for multisyllabic words, focussing on stressed syllables over unstressed ones. As they get older, they make spontaneous repairs to words that don’t match their stored representations, and also repair when asked by others. Finally, they practice words, to themselves, and in their daily language use. Single words are easier than word combinations, so longer utterances take still more practice.

As children add words, they also add more specificity to their utterances, hence more complexity. They start to combine words with gestures, then words with other words. They advance from one word at a time to sequences of words and then combine these under the same intonation contour. The early composition of children’s vocabulary is strongly affected by adult input, and this may determine the proportions of nouns, verbs, and adjectives available to children early on. Their early constructions are limited in scope, tied to specific lexical items. Conversational exchanges at this stage often depend on adult scaffolding. Children distinguish ‘given’ from ‘new’ information, making use of word order and stress, as well as information from inflections, to identify word classes. Early word combinations in their first constructions are very similar across languages in the meanings expressed. Early combinations may be viewed as frozen forms, as intermediate forms, and as constructed forms, depending on their history in each child’s speech. Children learn to put together new combinations as they talk with adults and so discover more of the options in the language being acquired.

“If I speak in the tongues of mortals and angels, but do not have love, I am resonating bronze or a clanging cymbal” (1 Cor. 13.1).2 These words were written in a letter by Paul and Sosthenes and read aloud to Christ-followers in Roman Corinth in mid-first century. The first recipients of the letter called themselves an ekklēsia or assembly, a political term indicating civic engagement and debate.3 They included those of low status, the enslaved, and women. We already met the garland weaver Karpimē Babbia, whom we met in the Introduction. To their north, the blue waters of the Corinthian Gulf lapped at Lechaion Harbor; to their south, they were shadowed by a high, rocky Acrocorinth, which sheltered defixiones or curse tablets. Eighteen curses have been found at the Acrocorinth’s Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, and more than thirty within the larger region of the Corinthia.

How do children process language as they get older? Is there continuity in the functions assigned to specific structures? And what changes in their processing and their representations as they acquire more language? They appear to use bracketing (finding boundaries), reference (linking to meanings), and clustering (grouping units that belong together) as they analyze the speech stream and extract recurring units, word classes, and larger constructions. Comprehension precedes production. This allows children to monitor and repair production that doesn’t match the adult forms they have represented in memory. Children also track the frequency of types and tokens; they use types in setting up paradigms and identifying regular versus irregular forms. Amount of experience with language, (the diversity of settings) plus feedback and practice, also accounts for individual differences in the paths followed during acquisition. Ultimately, models of the process of acquisition need to incorporate all this to account for how acquisition takes place.

Clement of Alexandria’s Protreptikos or Exhortation to the Greeks, written in the late second century, begins with an elaborate story of a song that lures fish, and a cicada that jumps up to fill in for the broken string of a lyre, scraping away with perfect pitch. I have long thought this was odd. The ancient genre of protreptic offered a kind of professional calling card, an introduction to speakers’ cultural sophistication, the strength of their argument and teaching, and a demonstration of their ability to argue for the superior form of philosophy-theology.