• A huge number of new psychoactive substances have been marketed in the past decade, with more than 1,000 new drugs detected worldwide since 2008.

• These drugs are designed and marketed to mimic the effects of traditional drugs such as cocaine, heroin and cannabis.

• The new drugs are typically cheap and powerful and cause harm similar to (and sometimes more severe than) that of the drugs they mimic.

• Online sites, social media and messaging apps are increasingly being used to promote and sell drugs to younger audiences accustomed to legal internet purchasing.

• Despite the challenges of the online drug sales, the internet is also an opportunity to promote health messages and direct people to seek help.

Politicians in all democracies have goods to distribute, and they employ different modes of distribution to deliver them. They can offer voters goods in the hope those goods turn into votes. Alternatively, they can try to make the distribution of a good conditional on how someone votes. The latter mode is clientelism. I point out that the literature on clientelism has been preoccupied with the idea that politicians form clientelistic relationships with individuals. This has led to an intense scholarly focus on how politicians can consummate such vote buying deals to their satisfaction, given that the secret ballot prevents them from observing how people vote. I argue that under a certain configuration of political institutions, it makes sense for politicians to form clientelistic relationships with groups of voters. To do so, a politician’s electoral district must be divisible into groups of voters, at which electoral support is observable and to which resources are targetable. I take four longstanding questions of interest in the clientelism literature, concerning brokers, economic development, democratic integrity, and club goods and explain how the theory of group-based clientelism opens up new lines of inquiry in each.

The Joseph story has money the brothers paid for grain surreptitiously returned to their sacks, in some sense a loan only but, as it turned out, an act concealing a gift, which led to reconciliation. Topics in the Two Debtors parable covering debt, sin, and forgiveness rework these features of the Joseph story.

The author sets out for his first sting with COBRA. A long night of driving across London in pursuit of a predator ends up becoming a goose chase. But it gives him a good feel of what hunting entails.

Why do different models give different results? Which modeling assumptions matter most? These are questions of model influence. Standard regression results fail to address simple questions like, which control variables are important for getting this result? In this chapter we lay out a framework for thinking about influence and draw on empirical examples to illustrate. When a result is not fully robust, the influence analysis provides methodological explanations for the failure of robustness. These explanations can be considered methodological scope conditions – they explain why a hypothesis can be supported in some cases but not in others. We also show how multiverse results can help inform the method of sensitivity analysis

Chapter 7 discusses the activity-based bespoke rules on cryptoasset service providers (CASPs) in Title V MiCA, except Crypto Custody (cf. Chapter 8). Section 7.2 analyses the scope of Title V MiCA before we proceed to licensing and authorisation requirements (Section 7.3), followed by the joint conditions for all CASPs (Section 7.4), after which we provide an analysis of the specific conditions for certain cryptoasset services (Section 7.5) and then present a conclusion (Section 7.6).

Introduction

The feminization of agriculture, or the sharp increase in the number of women in farming, is the result of a deep and ongoing agrarian crisis. Some scholars have more aptly named this phenomenon the ‘feminization of the agrarian crisis’ to capture how the ongoing agrarian crisis places a greater burden on women farmers than it does on their male counterparts. Patriarchal norms and attitudes prevent women from owning and controlling land, and women from marginalized castes and classes are the most disadvantaged (Pattnaik et al. 2018). Over 70 per cent of women in rural India are engaged in farming, but since the majority do not formally own land, they are not officially recognized as farmers and are instead considered as ‘farm helpers’ (Agarwal 2021). Given the substantial inequalities that affect women's ownership of and control over land, they cannot avail the benefits of land ownership – economic security, social status, and state support, among others.

This chapter looks at climate justice in the context of women in agriculture. Climate change and gender inequalities are deeply intertwined. Governments and civil society actors have launched various programmes aimed at climate resilience and adaptation in agriculture. However, when analysed through the lens of climate justice, these efforts do not always promote social equity. On the contrary, in some cases, mainstream climate solutions threaten women's land rights and farm-based livelihoods.

Using the novel framework of agrarian climate justice, which combines ideas from agrarian justice and climate justice, we explore women's land rights within agroecology programmes in India. We argue that advancing women's collective land rights through climate initiatives can achieve the twin aims of climate resilience and agrarian justice. We focus on agrarian land and do not look at forest lands, which, although equally important, are outside the scope of this chapter. Drawing from feminist scholars’ work on intersectionality, we emphasize the importance of an intersectional understanding of the differences between women based on intersecting identities of caste, class, age, education, and marital status, among others (Lutz, Herrera Vivar, and Supik 2011). Such an understanding is important to ensure that climate policies reduce, instead of reproduce, inequalities.

Devotion on the Margins

In my first meeting with Meedan, she handed me an old, fading photograph of herself. Stylishly dressed in a fitted white dress and contrasting green dupatta with a golden border, she was unrecognizable from the worn, gray-haired woman in baggy clothes sitting in front of me. Golden earrings, which she wore two in each ear, a clutch of hair framing the top half of her face, and liberally applied pink lipstick completed her carefully arranged look in the photograph. Her stiff expression and the awkwardness with which she held a long metal tong as a prop in both hands further cemented the impression that much thought and effort had been expended for this pose (see Figure 4.1). Meedan had been reminiscing about her trips to Shahbaz Qalandar's mela in her younger years when she brought out this photograph. Pointing to it, she chuckled, “Now you know how I used to go to sarkar.” “You should have seen her dhamal. She was known for it,” Meedan's younger brother, Azeem, chimed in. Meedan went on to elaborate that she had been hearing stories of Qalandar from her father when she was a child. These tales stirred a growing desire, which quickly turned into an obsession, to visit his shrine herself. She then started putting aside 5 rupees from her daily earnings in a pot that she kept hidden under her charpoy. After doing this for a whole year, she finally had enough money to attend Qalandar's urs in Sehwan. In subsequent years, Meedan made a habit of saving money to attend this annual festival to celebrate her saint.

Meedan's story is not, by any means, unique in her community, as many others express similar sentiments of devotion to Shahbaz Qalandar and other Sufi saints. She identifies as a member of the Muslim Sheikh, a low-caste pakhi waas tribe of Punjab. Literally, camp dwellers, the pakhi waas describe themselves as former nomadic tribes that historically existed outside the social structure of caste-based Punjabi society. As a result of the gradual collapse of the nomadic economy and systematic efforts to curb their mobility and regulate their lives by the British colonial state (Major 1999; Schwarz 2010), these tribes were coerced to join settled society and adopt its ways.

Talking to your child about psychoactive drugs is crucial, preferably before they are exposed to drugs or people who use them.

• As a parent, what you say matters.

• Check with the school to see what your child is being taught about drugs.

• Having the drug conversation can be difficult, but using the checklist provided will make it easier and more successful.

Chapter 10 discusses the market abuse and insider dealing rules of Title VI MiCA. Market fairness mainly focuses on financial misconduct and criminal behaviour, such as manipulative marketing, insider dealing, and market manipulation (i.e., price manipulation), and thus relates to customer protection. We start with an account of observed informational conduct (Section 10.2) before describing the rules of Title VI MiCA related to market abuse and insider trading (Section 10.3) and assessing the effectiveness of Title VI MiCA from a market fairness perspective (Section 10.4).

The Rich Fool parable entails an implicit contrast between Joseph’s splendid public handling of the grain from superabundant harvests in Egypt and a private individual’s management of his abundance of stored crops. Condemned in the parable, the rich man’s focus on his own prosperity stands in sharp contrast to Joseph’s magnanimous contribution to the wider public’s welfare and the well-being of his own family.