Herman Kahn said recently that Canada is a regional power without a region. Canada is something of a sport, a nuisance to those who like their political geography neat—rather like Australia or Albania. There are arguments for attaching us to various regions or groups of states. If there is one region, however, to which Canada does not naturally belong it is the so-called Western Hemisphere. Although the Rio Treaty somewhat presumptuously included Canada and Greenland in the area to the defence of which Argentina would rush, we are for purposes of election to the Security Council attached to Western Europe. The Western Hemisphere, as I understand it, begins in the east end of London, includes most of England, all of Ireland, and then goes westward into Siberia. The term has acquired a certain geopolitical significance because it has been a handy way to describe the unnatural but historical relationship between the United States and Latin America.

On February 27, 1967, representatives of the member nations of the Organization of American States, meeting in Buenos Aires, Argentina, signed the Protocol of Amendment to the 1948 Charter of Bogotá. It will become effective when ratified by two-thirds of the signatory states.

The Protocol reflects the current mood toward the inter-American regional system, and perhaps toward international organization in general. Contrasted with the 1948 Charter, the Protocol has its elements of strength and of weakness. The spirit of internationalism today, however, is much weaker than it was in 1948, and from the standpoint of the Organization the elements of weakness within the Protocol are much greater than the elements of strength.

The subject of identity is both important and timely. In the last twenty years we ourselves have been so involved in the processes of alienation, myth-making and image-making that the recent concentration of thinking on the subject of “identity” is easily recognized as only one more facet to the same problem. The term “identity” appears in the title of several recent books on Latin America. The general themes of our two papers—religious movements and students—are currently very much in the fore when the subject of identity is discussed.

At first, the prospect of relating these two papers under the single theme “A Search for Identity” appeared to me unpromising; but as I began to extend my modest reading about identity, I became increasingly intrigued. I thought to myself: “Should I really take my courage in my hands and talk about identity with all the abstractions and the pitfalls that abstractions bring?” While trying to make up my mind, a day dream flashed before me.

En este escrito se presentan algunos aspectos relacionados con la tierra en Canas y Canchis, dos provincias del sur del Perú, y se discuten algunos aspectos conectados con el desarrollo de la comunidad cuando esto se entiende como política encaminada a elevar los niveles de vida y de ingresos de las comunidades indígenas.

Es un análisis preliminar, logrado a partir de datos recientes obtenidos por procesos de foto-identificación llevados a cabo en la zona, y la utilización de factores inclinados, a propósito, en favor de los campesinos, con el objecto de discutir algunas ideas y opiniones muy frecuentes en cuanto a los objetivos y metas de los programas de desarrollo de la comunidad en áreas rurales.

S'il faut entendre par valeurs ces conceptions générales qu'on a sur la science et la technique, sur le progrès ou sur l'innovation, ou ces dispositions plus générales encore vis-à-vis de l'univers physique ou humain, comme l'orientation vers l'avenir ou l'esprit prométhéen, il n'est en fait guère démontré qu'elles exercent une influence favorable sur la croissance économique. Sans aucun doute ces valeurs culturelles se retrouvent avec une fréquence remarquable dans les pays industrialisés. Mais la question est de savoir si dans les pays au seuil de la croissance, ces valeurs culturelles peuvent favoriser la croissance économique définie provisoirement comme un accroissement continu du produit global.

Among Latin American nations, Cuba has had a prominent tradition of student involvement in politics. Although University of Havana students supported the independence movement from Spain, organized political activism began only in the 1920's. Influenced by the reformist ideas emanating from the Córdoba Reform Movement and from the Mexican and Russian Revolutions, the Cuban students began searching for answers to the island's many problems. Cuba's severe economic crisis of 1920 brought economic chaos and social misery to the island, accelerated the desire for change, and led to a questioning of the existing order of society. Close supervision of Cuban affairs by the United States, the failure of the old generation emerging out of the War for Independence to implement needed social, political, and economic reforms, and the desire for a modern and autonomous university all combined to produce a brewing student revolution.

Space research and exploration are commonly considered the special province of the superpowers. The considerable financial resources and still greater technological capabilities required for programs of manned space flight and planetary investigation are widely assumed to be prerequisites for space research activity of any character. In fact, however, space research is richly varied, in objective and method as well as in material and financial requirements. Thus, it is possible for lesser powers and certain of the developing countries to participate in this newest area of human activity. The values to be achieved are not only scientific and technical but also political and economic. Tangible contributions can be made both to the domestic interests of such countries find to the space programs of major powers. The opportunities implicit in these facts were early recognized by the Latin American countries, particularly Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, and all are engaged in interesting, stimulating, and productive space activities.

In the literature of development, it is recognized that the possibilities for national economic growth are strongly conditioned by prevailing institutional patterns. Exogenous factors, such as international market trends, the supply of foreign investment funds, and terms of trade, define outer constraints on the growth of many less developed countries; but within these boundaries, the realizable growth depends on endogenously set parameters that influence public policy alternatives, the level and direction of domestic capital formation, and the scope and rapidity of structural economic changes. It is in this latter area that the study of institutional performance becomes relevant.

To date, the focus of institutional analysis has been on a variety of social organizations that influence the economic process at one point or another, e.g., trade unions, political parties, financial intermediaries, land tenure systems, and government agencies.

Current experience in international relations reveals not only an increase in the number of international organizations but also a proportionately greater number of associated problems. One of these problems is the ascertainment of legal status and the assessment of the nature and significance of nonmembership.

As long as there are international organizations that embrace less than a universal membership, there will be nonmembers. The problems of nonmembers become particularly acute when one or more of the “great powers” (or states sponsored by them) are involved; the absence of the United States from the League of Nations and the absence of continental China and the divided nations of Germany, Korea, Vietnam, and others from the United Nations attest to this fact.

While Peru's economic development is highly influenced by its resource endowment and the price structure of its exports, the style of industrialization will be determined in large part by the type and amount of social mobility its class structure permits. Although similar ethnically to Guatemala and Bolivia, Peru so far has managed to forestall a basic social revolution and has developed under one of the most private “free enterprise” regimes in Latin America. It should therefore be interesting to examine the type of class structure and social mobility that underlies this stage of development.

In terms of a model of the process of industrialization, I shall emphasize the distinctive features of the transitional stage. It seems that a folk-urban, traditional-modern dichotomy—or even a transitional type that is merely halfway between these extremes—is not adequate.

The persistence of trade and exchange controls in developing countries is of growing concern among economic circles and has been dealt with in recent discussions and papers, both published and unpublished. In Latin America exchange practices have severely tested the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which represents the prevailing ideology of a liberal international monetary policy. The principles and activities of this institution have tended to conflict in many ways with the development efforts of Latin American countries—a fact that has not always been fully recognized due to the confidential nature of many of the Fund's actions. One important issue has been the problem of multiple exchange rates, which, in many Latin American countries, came to constitute an important instrument of the policy of industrialization through import substitution.

Sectarian religious groups in Brazil, not of Afro-Brazilian origin, have been formed primarily in the backlands of the Northeast. There they have flourished during two approximate time periods, 1815 to 1840 and 1870 to the present. This paper will examine the religious groups of the Brazilian backlands as social phenomena.

The locale of the sects, the backlands sertão, is both a geographical and cultural subregion of the Northeast. The latter area is generally defined as comprising the states of Piauí, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Sergipe, Alagôas, and northern Bahia. Geographically the sertão is an area subject to recurrent drought, lying back of fertile coastal plains from Salvador in Bahia to Natal in Rio Grande do Norte, touching the coast in Ceará, and again retreating inland in Piauí.

On a beaucoup étudié Dieu, autant pour en approfondir la nature que pour en nier l'existence. Par contre, bien peu de chercheurs ont daigné explorer l'essence du démon. C'est sans doute parce que l'idée de Dieu semble douée d'une vertu tranquillisante, tandis que le concept du diable évoque je ne sais quoi d'insolite et d’ “anxiogène” au regard de la conscience.

Pourtant les notions de Satan et de Dieu sont complémentaires, parfois même solidaires. L'une s'oppose à l'autre comme I'antithèse à la thèse, l'anti-matière à la matière, le pôle négatif au pôle positif, l'imperfection du contingent à la perfection de l'intelligible. S'il est impossible de penser à un être tout puissant sans postuler une limitation éventuelle de cette puissance, il est tout aussi impensable d'imaginer un déchaînement de forces diaboliques sans évoquer un pouvoir inhibiteur antagoniste susceptible de freiner l'action de cet agent maléfique.

In Peru, as in most Latin American republics, managerial manpower development is gaining increased recognition as a major force in the modernization process. The explosive contemporary evolution of management education with new programs developing in every conceivable form and institution in Peru strongly evidences the North American concept of specialized higher education for administration, as well as its theory and curriculum. However, Peru's development of effective managerial resources is directly related to its unique social economic system within which they function. What may be sound and efficient management practice in the United States may be largely ineffective when taught within the widely different cultural and economic environment of Peru. In fact, the North American concept of managerial efficiency must be redefined in relation to the Peruvian value system and environmental constraints within which it must operate.

Estudiando esta época que en la historia americana se llama “crucismo”, es rare que algún boliviano después de leer los documentos históricos sobre el Mariscal don Andrés Santa Cruz no se apasione. Investigando esta época que se llama “crucismo” se logra sin dificultad comprender lo que fue Bolivia, lo que quiso ser y lo que es ahora. Nuestras desgracias nos vienen desde esa etapa, por haber querido ser grandes y abatido las alas del cóndor andino, por no haber comprendido con cerebro la “Confederatión”, como no la comprendieron los adversaries del Mariscal Santa Cruz. Y no es temerario decir que nuestra expiatión como bolivianos nace desde la batalla de Yungay. Es curioso, por otra parte, que la mayoría de los bolivianos no conocen su propia historia y no se reconcilian espiritualmente, pensando que todas las cosas son transitorias y que los pueblos siguen a sus caudillos y se encarnan en ellos.

Puestos a examinar la herencia política y jurídica que los países hispanoamericanos conservan de España, de inmediato nos apercibimos de la inmensidad y la importancia del tema. Los paíes hispanoamericanos cubren una parte importante del Nuevo Mundo y están grávidos de potencialidades inéditas. Es preciso repetir que forman la única región de cultura occidental que permanece en retardo científico, tecnológico y ecónomico. Esperamos que los pueblos avanzados de la esfera occidental de cultura se mantengan conscientes de esta realidad. Está en el interés de todos los pueblos que las regiones atrasadas ocupen su puesto al sol en la sociedad científica y tecnológica de nuestros días. Saber, para actuar apropiadamente, es una prudente actitud, y de ahí que los estudios de los pueblos y regiones estén llamados a tener consecuencias prácticas. La proliferatión de los estudios latinoamericanos en universidades europeas y norteamericanas —y en este punto Texas tiene un papel importante entre las universidades de los Estados Unidos— promete el análisis serio de las realidades sociales e históricas, y por lo tanto el establecimiento de canales idóneos de comunicación.

Entre las cuestiones en que el derecho constitucional lationamericano ha debido separarse del modelo —en tantos otros respectos seguido no sin admiración— de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, cuenta la de los indígenas.

La diferencia arraiga en zonas profundas de la historia y de la idiosincrasia de los dos sectores culturales del continente americano. Es consecuencia de la diferente actitud básica con que emprendieron la ocupación de este territorio los ibéricos y los anglosajones. La conquista anglosajona de los actuales Estados Unidos, tendió al desalojo, cuando no al exterminio de los primitivos habitantes de ese territorio. Nunca intentaron, de consiguiente, incorporarlos a la comunidad dominante, ni prepararlos para esa incorporatión, ni la reconocieron deseable o legítima. Los restos de aquellos pobladores indígenas son tratados prácticamente como extranjeros, o poco menos, y han quedado situados en “reservaciones”, algo así como enclaves foráneos dentro del territorio de la Unión.

Al igual que otros países, Venezuela se enfrenta a una demanda creciente de servicios educacionales en todos los niveles, pero cuenta con recursos limitados para satisfacerla. El presente artículo pretende estudiar la promoción de la educación a fin de explorar las posibilidades de utilizar una metodología sistemática y objetiva para evaluar estas inversiones en los países en desarrollo. La evaluación económica de todo proyecto requiere la consideración de tres aspectos básicos: (1) si se obtienen los objetivos inmediatos al menor costo posible, (2) si existe suficiente demanda para el servicio a ofrecer y (3) si los beneficios netos, tanto individuales como sociales, son adecuados a la luz de otras posibilidades de inversión en el país.

Spiritism is well on the way to becoming the most national of the religions practiced in Brazil. Yet apart from Christian clergymen, social scientists, and of course Spiritists themselves, few educated people pay much attention to its rapid and wide spread. Although they must see the sensational picture stories frequently appearing in magazines and on screens, they fail to realize that Brazil has become the acknowledged capital of the spiritualistic world in the West. At most they may know that Brazil's most famous mediums get invitations to travel abroad North of the equator and in the Far East a ready coterie awaits these mediums whose best-selling psychographed works find foreign publishers. Spiritist journals, however, play on news of their travels to work up nationalist pride in Brazil as “Heart of the World, Homeland of the Gospel.” That self-regarding expression is the title of a popular national history psychographed (dictated by the Spirit of a deceased person to a medium who writes it down in trance) in 1938. Since then Brazilian Spiritism has grown hugely in national ardor and in numbers.

On December 9, 1964, Ernesto Guevara de la Serna, Cuban Minister of Industries and the most powerful man in Cuba under the Castro brothers, flew from Havana to New York to address the United Nations. He lashed at the United States and predicted continental revolution, “That wave of heightening fury, of just demands, of rights that have been flouted, is rising throughout Latin America, and no one can stop that tide.” From New York Guevara flew to Algiers, and thus began a trek that would take him to countries in Africa, Europe and Asia. For three months Guevara traveled, talking to leaders of nations, preaching revolution and communism wherever he went.