The greatest change in the Latin American labor picture during the 1960s has been the emergence and growth of the Latin American Confederation of Christian Trade Unionists (Confederación Latino Americana de Sindicatos Cristianos—CLASC). The outcome of the struggle between the Organización Regional Interamericana de Trabajadores (ORIT), the older, AFL-CIO influenced movement in Latin America, and the CLASC for the leadership of the non-Communist sector of Latin American labor remains in question, but the result, even if a situation of peaceful coexistence develops, will have a significant impact on the political, social, and economic evolution of Latin America. This study attempts to sketch the unique ideological base on which the CLASC is founded, to outline its method of operation, and to explain the nature of its competition with the ORIT.

It is significant that Lino Novás Calvo began his literary career by publishing in the Revista de Avarice, for there are certain similarities between the problems involving artistic expression with which that journal dealt and Novás’ early development of his own art. One scholar has pointed out that one can see in the works published in the Revista de Avarice“ el impulso renovador de una época ansiosa de cambios profundos.” This desire for change manifested itself in the political as well as cultural spheres and led the journal to consider the relationships between artistic expression and political commitment. Novás’ early works reveal that he dealt with this same problem, and it is the intention of this article to consider the general orientation of the Revista de Avance in regard to this conflict and to examine the evolution of Novás’ own solution as revealed in the poetry he published in that journal.

The coming to power of the Bolivian National Revolutionary Movement (Movimento Nacionalista Revolucionario—MNR) marks a major break in Bolivia's continuity of development, a major recasting of her social order. As a result of the 1952 Revolution the political and economic power of the traditional elite, which rested upon its ownership and control of most of the nation's land and natural resources, was substantially eliminated; power passed into the hands of new groups, including an emerging middle class, which was primarily responsible for the 1952 Revolution, and the Indian population, which for the first time acquired a considerable measure of economic independence and the opportunity to participate in national politics.

Project “Xoc” is an attempt to discover new keys to Maya hieroglyphics, using readily available source material. “Xoc” is the Maya word for “count”; the authors found that counting the progression of days in the Maya calendar forward and backward numerous times led to their first stage of discovery. The Maya use of hieroglyphics in the ceremonial and secular calendars was pointed out by Bishop Diego de Landa in his Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán, written during the 1560's. Landa's book was lost for three hundred years, but in the century since it was rediscovered, other scholars have expanded his findings to the point that the Maya calendar use of hieroglyphics is well understood.

The hieroglyphic text is another matter. Scholars are generally agreed that the codices deal with astronomy and agriculture and that any text, if and when deciphered, would deal with those fields only, rather than in the broad spectrum of Maya life.

One of the most neglected fields in current social science research until quite recently has been the problem of revolution. While some progress has been made in defining the stages of development once a revolutionary process has begun, and in clarifying the differences between revolts and social revolutions in the context of the underdeveloped world, the whole area of origins still remains a largely unexplored field. The debate is still quite fierce as to whether revolutionaries are marginal or integrated persons; or whether revolutions begin because of too rapid industrialization or because of too little; because of actual exploitation or because of rising expectations. In short, there has been a multiplicity of theories, but few concrete tests of many of these propositions.

El movimiento de la juventud estudiantil, que alrededor de 1920 apareció en la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, se presentó bajo distintas formas en cada uno de ellos. Esta nueva generación persiguió no sólo la reforma de la Universidad. Se trató más bien de una actitud que, desdeñado las viejas estructuras sociales, luchó por otras nuevas. La juventud planteó una renovación de América Latina. Esta actitud tomó forma y contenido determinado en Chile.

Quem examinar as carnadas telúricas que permitiram e determinaram a interdependência internacional, verificará que um dos fatores preponderantes surge como pedra de toque liamizadora das situações opostas: é o desenvolvimento, enfrentando em seus múltiplos aspectos o que não obstante essa pluralidade, congrega-os a todos na fisionomia econômica.

Em tudo há urna fase histórica a presidir os eventos e a isso não foge o tema, cuja oportunidade nasceu com o primeiro homem. Mas quais os períodos sócio-etários que ensejaram e ensejam, ainda hoje, a formação da crista milenar do interêsse, denominador comum de todos os conflitos?

Três são os estágios da humanidade em sua luta por melhores condições de vida: o homem, a sociedade e a comunidade, cada um deles representando urna etapa dura e difícil, atravessada nos séculos com urna tenacidade que sòmente o interôsse, no sentido alto do têrmo, poderia permitir.

While it is true that the Chinese Communists are making a late entry into Latin America, the degree of appeal of the Peking position is indicative of two significant trends within the hemispheric Marxist movement. First, the original orthodox Communist parties have not been as aggregative as they should have been to keep up with the growth of groups committed to radical change. Second, the Chinese have provided an important facade for a Marxist approach to revolution that is fresher and less tarnished than has been provided by the older party organizations.

The Brazilian government's National Steel Mill at Volta Redonda is considered by many to be a hallmark in the development of Brazilian industry and the symbol of a future Brazil. It represents to them a turning away from the old monoproductive agricultural pattern, with its inherent weaknesses, and an acceptance of industry with its promise of a fuller, more secure national existence. The Brazilians are proud of this iron and steel mill. Not only is it the largest such mill in Brazil, it is also the largest in all Latin America. To many it is an important step in the road toward a stronger world position. This is an important point in a continent often overlooked and taken for granted by the leading world powers.

Chile en la proportión correspondiente ha pasado por todas las etapas del desarrollo capitalista. En particular en el período de la República ha seguido en tono menor su curso general. Surgió la gran industria en la forma específica chilena, en la minería. Gran industria que en su época inicial lleva implícita la explotación humana en sus formas más duras. Efectúa un aparente retorno al período de la Acumulación Primitiva, forzada, propia de la América del siglo XVI. Entre esos rasgos antiguos, hay uno específico: la esclavitud.

Desde el momento mismo de la conquista y establecimiento de los españoles en el Nuevo Mundo ha sido de importancia singular el problema de la aculturación de la población indígena. En la primera mitad del siglo XVI se planteó una amplia discusión doctrinal con profundas consecuencias prácticas, en la que fueron agentes activos centrales las más altas instancias políticas y administrativas del Estado español coetáneo, desde el Consejo de Indias a la persona del propio Monarca, encontrándose en el origen de las más importantes decisiones de orden legislativo adoptadas por la Corona, con sus momentos culminantes en la Junta de Burgos, mandada reunir por Fernando III de Aragón en 1512 para estudiar expresamente la problemática humana e ideológica (en la época esencialmente religiosa) de los indios americanos, y en las Leyes Nuevas de 1542 promulgadas por Carlos V bajo la immediata influencia del “grupo de presión” del que era figura prominente el dominico Bartolomé de las Casas.

Political scientists have embarked upon the creation of “grand theories” of “political development” and “modernization” in the emerging nations of the world in an effort to explain the changing nature of various political systems. Applications of these theories to Latin America have been relatively recent. However, lack of sufficient scientifically verified data about Latin American social and political phenomena still exists, thus making generalized theories about political development inconclusive. This study is an attempt to provide an analysis of a national congressional election in a Latin American nation, Chile. A description of the legitimacy of Chile's changing election system and an examination of the issues and voting results of the 1965 congressional election serve as important points of entry into the complex subject of political development in one nation of Latin America.

Un pays ne saurait vivre replié sur lui-même, prisonnier de ses frontières. II doit entretenir des relations de tous ordres avec l'étranger.

Le gouverneur-empereur Dessalines en eut l'intuition. II prit en conséquence toutes les dispositions.

En premier lieu, Dessalines rassura toutes les puissances coloniales qu'Haïti s'abstiendrait de troubler la paix des colonies situées dans l'Archipel des Antilles. C'était une préaution de style pour calmer les appréhensions des nations européennes et garantir l'oeuvre d'indépendance de la Nation Haïtienne, en lui évitant toutes les mesures de coercition de la part de l'Espagne, de la France, de l'Angleterre, du Portugal et des autres puissances intéressées dans cette partie de l'hémisphère américain.

The century embracing the wars and turmoils that politically separated America from Europe coincides roughly with that great change in the economic life of the western world known as the “Industrial Revolution.” Admitting that this so-called “Revolution” did not occur simultaneously everywhere, or affect all parts in a like manner, it is nonetheless clear that it had a profound effect not only on the material well-being of the American peoples, but on their social and political institutions as well, probably an effect even more important than the political revolutions and wars that accompanied it. The period thus demands careful attention and lends itself well to regional comparative study.

Valparaíso's first modern water-supply system was constructed by William Wheelwright in 1851. When he arrived at the port to settle in 1829, it was “entirely destitute of pure water, and this want seriously affected trade and industry not less than the health of the population.” Following a series of editorials on the poor system of water supply, the municipality passed a corrective law in July of 1829. Certain quebradas (ravines) in the hills overlooking the municipality were made fit to serve as reservoirs. People residing in the vicinity of the quebradas were enjoined against taking water out of the quebradas. Nor were they permitted to water horses or wash clothes. The law did not prove to be a panacea. Valparaíso continued to be without an adequte water supply.

The liberal reform programs that developed in Spanish America following independence almost invariably included as one of their major objectives radical changes in the educational system. An outstanding example of this is the educational program proposed by Dr. Mariano Gálvez, Chief-of-State of Guatemala. Protected from foreign problems by virtue of the existence of the Central American Federation and its Liberal leader, Francisco Morazán, Gálvez had seven years (1831–1838) to develop far-reaching reforms. While the lack of Gálvez papers makes discussion and analysis of his domestic reforms difficult, it is possible to assess his role by an analysis of his public speeches, decrees, laws, archival records, and similar materials.

Amid the aura of urgency in which many today view hemispheric affairs, criticisms of the Organization of American States are legion. In both Latin America and the United States, there are growing numbers who believe that the only viable alternative to complete systemic collapse is a radical organizational transformation. For critics of the inter-American organization, there has been a sharp predilection to place the burden of their argument on either a cataloguing of bureaucratic ills or a polemic attack upon the problems and inconsistencies of United States involvement. And certainly various North American actions and policies have helped contribute to the present precarious position of the OAS.

In the United States there is a constant preoccupation with the qualitative aspects of our educational system. This occurs in a nation where over 98 per cent of all children between the ages of seven and fourteen are attending school and where over 95 per cent of all inhabitants are considered literate. Thus, in terms of literacy and level of education, the United States is classified as highly advanced. Not so fortunate are the developing nations of the world.

Latin America, as a major world region, is classified as underdeveloped and shares many of the economic and social misfortunes which plague that sector of the world's populace. Within Latin America there is a wide diversity of educational attainment. Although seven nations may be classified as advanced or moderately advanced, these represent less than one quarter of the region's population. The vast majority are less advantaged and among these are the inhabitants of Guatemala. Less than one quarter of its children between the ages of seven and fourteen attend school; less than 30 per cent over ten years of age are considered literate.

Taking into account the historical and geographical differences, as well as, of course, the nature and intrinsic value of the works concerned, Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis (1839-1908) occupies the same position in Brazilian literature as Camoens does in Portuguese, Cervantes in Spanish, Dante in Italian, Goethe in German, and Shakespeare in English.

In other words, to use symbolic language borrowed from geography itself, Machado de Assis undoubtedly represents the highest peak in Brazilian literature. He can claim to have produced its most significant work up to his time—perhaps no very great achievement. But what is remarkable is the fact that such work has remained so up to the present day, particularly that part produced during the last thirty years of his life.