The extent to which gender neutral and gendered nouns impact differently upon native French speakers’ gender representations was examined through a yes-no forced choice task. Swiss (Experiment 1) and Québec (Experiment 2) French-speaking participants were presented with word pairs composed of a gendered first name (e.g., Thomas) and a role (e.g., doctor), and tasked to indicate whether they believed that [first name] could be one of the [role]. Roles varied according to gender stereotypicality (feminine, masculine, non-stereotyped), and were either in a plural masculine (interpretable as generic) or gender neutral (epicenes and group nouns) form. The results indicated that the use of gender neutral forms of roles avoided a strong male bias found for the masculine forms, and that both gender neutral and masculine forms used equal cognitive resources. Further, stereotype effects associated with both gender-neutral and grammatically masculine forms were quite small (<1%). These results were highly reliable across both Swiss French and Québec speakers. Our study suggests that gender neutral forms are strong alternatives to the use of the masculine form as default value.

This article investigates the development of wh-in-situ questions in French by examining a three-year kindergarten dataset of spontaneous productions with 16 children between 2;5 and 5;11. The distribution of the wh-phrases is statistically examined in relation to age, verb form (Fixed be form c’est ‘it is’ vs. Free be forms vs. Free lexical verbs), and grammatical category of the wh-word (Pronoun vs. Adverb). Results show that wh-in-situ remains prevalent throughout the period despite a steady increase in wh-ex-situ. Verb form (Fixed vs. All free forms) is a discriminating variable for the wh-position in all three years, and it interacts with the category of the wh-word. The Fixed be form c’est favours in-situ wh-pronouns (c’est qui Taz ?), whereas the Free forms favour wh-ex-situ questions, and massively co-occur with wh-adverbs (combien ça coûte ?). The emergence of the ex-situ qu’est-ce que ‘what is it that’, as opposed to the in-situ quoi ‘what’, is identified as a factor accounting for the gradual increase in wh-ex-situ. Finally, most outliers (wh-in-situ with Free forms) are shown to belong to the same paradigm as c’est in-situ questions: non-presuppositional questions, which are visible from the frequent use of là ‘there’, like c’est, a deictic item.

Cet article présente une analyse multifactorielle du comportement des consonnes liquides post-obstruantes en position finale de mot en français. Plus précisément, nous nous intéressons au phénomène par lequel un <l> ou <r> final dans la transcription orthographique d’un mot n’est pas prononcé dans la parole continue, p. ex. comme dans les items « découvre » et « terrible », respectivement prononcés [dekuv] et [teʁʁb] au lieu de [dekuvʁʁ] et [teʁʁibl]. Au total, plus de 2500 items comportant un cluster obstruante+liquide en fin de mot ont été extraits d’un corpus de parole d’une durée de 13 heures, qui a été étiqueté à différents niveaux. Ce corpus comprend les productions de 120 locuteurs originaires de 3 pays francophones (Belgique, France et Suisse), enregistrés dans deux tâches différentes (lecture et conversation). Pour déterminer ce qui affecte la (non-)prononciation de <l> ou <r> dans ces contextes, une douzaine de prédicteurs de différentes natures sont testés dans un même modèle statistique. Les caractéristiques phonétiques telles que le lieu et le mode d’articulation, le contexte droit, le statut prosodique et le taux d’articulation; mais aussi les prédicteurs liés aux locuteurs (pays d’origine, sexe, âge, classe sociale) et au style de parole sont pris en compte. Des modèles mixtes linéaires généralisés révèlent que seulement la moitié d’entre eux ressortent comme jouant un rôle significatif sur la variable à l’étude. Les résultats sont discutés à la lumière dʼétudes antérieures portant sur les aspects sociolinguistiques des variantes de prononciation en français.

This study explores variation in the use of English-origin verbs in Quebec French. These lexical borrowings are usually integrated grammatically into the receiving language (Poplack, 2018), as in il va crasher and elle m’a ghosté in Quebec French. However, a new lexical insertion strategy for English-origin verbs has been observed in the past few years: verbal borrowings can lack overt morphological integration, as in il va crash and elle m’a ghost. This article examines the use of English-origin verbs in Quebec French from a variationist perspective by focusing on 1) possible correlations between speakers and how they evaluate the different lexical insertion strategies, and 2) the social factors that constrain the use of morphologically unintegrated English-origin verbs. Results from quantitative analyses based on 675 participants indicate that young Quebecers from Montreal with a high level of proficiency in English are the ones who use this morphologically unintegrated form the most and evaluate it more positively. This unintegrated form poses a theoretical problem according to Poplack’s (2018) theory, for which nonce borrowings are morphologically and syntactically integrated into the receiving language.

Partant de l’hypothèse de Coveney (1995) que la structure informationnelle influence la sélection de l’interrogative in situ ‘Tu fais quoi ?’ (SVQ), ce travail s’appuie sur les données du Corpus suisse de SMS (2009-2015) pour évaluer l’incidence des principes dits ‘End-Weight’ et ‘End-Focus’. En suivant l’étude de Coveney (1995), nous analyserons l’incidence des paramètres suivants : (i) longueur de la proforme Q et (ii) celle de la partie SVC; paramètres du (iii) Sujet, (iv) Verbe, (v) Complément; et (vi) identité du mot Q. Suite à l’analyse de 217 occurrences de SVQ (sur 425 QU), nos résultats corroborent, fût-ce avec quelques nuances, plusieurs tendances observées par Coveney (1995). En même temps, notre étude révèle que les tendances en cause, telles qu’elles s’observent dans le Corpus de SMS, prennent la forme plus extrême et tendent à fonctionner comme des environnements morphosyntaxiques à variabilité faible : en débouchant régulièrement sur l’emploi de SVQ, elles réduisent drastiquement les chances d’apparition d’autres variantes ex situ. Ces tendances s’expliqueraient par le fait qu’en français informel l’usage de SVQ est en train d’évincer d’autres variantes, principalement dans ces contextes linguistiques qui se sont avérés initialement propices à sa rapide propagation au 20e siècle (Farmer 2015).

In this article, we explored the pitch contour patterns of the French discourse marker donc in realizing different pragmatic functions from native and non-native oral corpora in French. Statistical analyses using generalized additive mixed modeling revealed that even though Mandarin Chinese L1 speakers learning French also used the pitch cue to realize pragmatic functions, their prosodic pattern is different from the native pattern. Their L1 Chinese seemed to influence their usage of the pitch cue significantly. In addition, women were shown to be better than men in using the pitch cue in conveying pragmatic functions with a closer pattern to the native pattern. Overall, our study sheds new light on the relationship between speakers’ L1 and L2 regarding the interaction between pragmatic and prosodic features. It also provides new reflections on the acquisition of socio-pragmatic competence.

The present paper reports findings from a controlled large-scale (N = 1018) experimental study investigating how four different gender-fair forms influenced native French speakers’ estimated percentage of women compared to the masculine form (interpretable as generic) in 22 non-stereotyped French role nouns. The findings show that the masculine form generated lower perceived percentages of women compared to all other tested forms. In addition, gender-neutral and double forms were found equally efficient in resolving the male bias induced by the masculine form. Since the role nouns were non-stereotyped in terms of gender, these results suggest that the actual form of a role noun has indeed a strong influence on how the gender ratio of that role noun will be perceived. Moreover, the direction of the questionnaire’s response scale had a significant effect on the results, which entails methodological implications for future research. Finally, the provided ratios can be used for future studies investigating French role nouns in different gender-fair forms. In sum, our study suggests that gender-fair forms in French are an efficient tool for increasing the visibility of women, at least in nouns representing non-stereotypical activities.

The study compared the syntactic complexity and the use of logical connectors in summaries written in French by two groups of students: speakers of French as first language (L1) and peers in a French-immersion program (L2) from grade nine to university. Both L1 and L2 groups of university students demonstrated more general complexity in their written summaries than less mature writers. However, the use of phrasal elaboration was apparent just at the upper secondary and university levels with L1 students. Both groups generally tend to overuse causal connectors while underusing additive and adversative connectors compared to the author’s use in the source text. Yet both groups employ significantly more adversative connectors just at the post-secondary level. The only difference observed between L1 and L2 writers was in the diversity of connector words used in the summary, with the former group using a richer, more diverse vocabulary. Several measures for succinctness differentiated L1 and L2 students in early secondary with the latter group condensing the source text less than L1 students. Correlation analysis suggested that many measures of syntactic complexity and connector use are inextricably linked.

This article examines the progression of the counter-clockwise nasal vowel chain shift in Parisian French, investigating in particular the influence of biological sex and of sexuality on the propagation of this change from below. The research presented forms part of a study on the participation of sexual minorities in ongoing sound change; this study aims to address the continued exclusion of sexual minorities from sociolinguistic studies, which not only invisibilizes queer people, but underlines their behaviour, linguistic or otherwise, as gender-deviant. Using a sociophonetic methodology, an analysis of nasal vowel quality provides evidence for sex- and sexuality-differential linguistic behaviour in the advancement of the nasal vowel chain shift. The results confirm the progressive but non-conformative linguistic behaviour of women, both straight and queer, as outlined by Labov (1990) and numerous other sociolinguistic studies, but also indicate that queer men are centre-stage in driving the change forward. This research is a first step in formalizing data-driven principles about the linguistic behaviour of sexual minorities and their role in language change, akin to the principles advanced to account for the behaviour of women.

This article describes the usage of partial interrogatives without wh such as And you went…? in French and Spanish, and analyses the variation between such in-situ-Ø and in-situ-wh-interrogatives such as And you went where? On the basis of an analysis of in-situ-Ø-interrogatives in a corpus of spoken French and Spanish, these interrogatives are described as a particularly efficient means of realizing an information request. Due to the fact that their use is bound to contexts in which the information request is highly expected by the hearer, they can be produced using a minimal syntactic format and simultaneously ensure that the addressee produces the desired response. In comparison, the use of in-situ-wh is less context-sensitive. The analysis also investigates the possibility of differences between French and Spanish as regards the productivity of these interrogatives. An acceptability study of these interrogatives finds no significant difference in terms of the productivity and acceptability of in-situ-Ø in French and Spanish, whereas in-situ-wh reaches a higher acceptability in French than in Spanish. I interpret these results as evidence for a description of in-situ-Ø as an ad-hoc interactional resource whose use does not depend on conventionalization processes, whereas information-requesting in-situ-wh has become conventional in French.

Cet article propose une méthode de classification sémantique des noms qui repose sur l’application de tests distributionnels. Sont présentées 14 classes sémantiquement simples regroupées en trois pôles : (i) les noms dénotant des entités (comme cerf, pont, table), (ii) les noms dénotant des situations (comme promenade, intelligence, délabrement) et (iii) les noms relevant de classes en marge des deux précédentes (comme minute, hypothèse, euro). S’y ajoutent 7 classes complexes permettant de rendre compte du sens hybride que présentent nombre de noms, tel que, par exemple, le nom déposition qui renvoie de manière combinée à une action et à un objet cognitif (Elle a lu la déposition effectuée par le jeune homme). Cette classification permet non seulement d’attribuer aux noms, de manière contrôlée, des types sémantiques linguistiquement pertinents, mais également de traiter les différents cas de noms à sens multiples (homonymie, polysémie, hybridité).

The present study reports on the effect of study abroad on the choice of request perspectives in formal and informal situations using the intermediary of an open role play test. The study is a longitudinal one involving 24 Ghanaian L2 French learners. At least 12 out of the 24 did a study abroad in France and the other 12 in Benin. Both groups studied for a duration of 10 months in their respective contexts. Additional data included learner’s self-reported volume of interaction in French per day. The main results show that the effect of formality of the context on the choice of request perspectives is only observed after study abroad. This seems to be as a result of their interaction with L1 speakers during study abroad leading to the adoption of native-like use of request perspectives in formal and informal situations.

Cet article s’intéresse à l’emploi du subjonctif en français acadien du nord-est du Nouveau-Brunswick dans les Provinces Maritimes du Canada. Notre point de départ consiste à faire état du site de conflit qui oppose les variétés du français acadien et du français laurentien en ce qui concerne les patrons régissant sa sélection. Il a déjà été démontré que les contraintes sémantiques exercent une influence prépondérante en français acadien alors que du côté laurentien, l’effet de ces contraintes est plutôt dépassé par celui venant de contraintes lexicales et morphosyntaxiques. Nos résultats démontrent que le parler acadien à l’étude affiche des parallèles structuraux avec ce qui est rapporté en français laurentien : En plus d’être contraint à un taux variable de sélection, la productivité du subjonctif est limitée à quelques contextes spécifiques et elle n’est pas tributaire de l’effet exercé par des contraintes sémantiques. Nous suggérons qu’il n’y a pas une seule norme vernaculaire partagée par tous les parlers acadiens quant au conditionnement du subjonctif et nous nous interrogeons sur l’impact des contacts dialectaux sur la structure linguistique du français de cette région.

Some utterances are pragmatically ambiguous. For instance, Tu peux fermer la fenêtre ? (“Can you close the window?”) can be a request for information or an “indirect request” (IR) to close the window. A possible way for speakers to make it clear whether they intend these expressions as a direct or indirect speech act is to use cues such as gestures or prosody. It has been shown for English that participants’ identifications of IRs are predicted by f0 slope, mean f0, and f0 duration. However, the extent to which these findings extend to other languages remains unknown. In this article, we explore the prosodic features associated with French IRs, a language poorly documented from that perspective. We address two research questions: Are listeners’ pragmatic interpretations of French IR constructions predicted by speaker’s original intent? Do prosodic cues play the same role in French modal interrogatives as in declarative remarks? We find, first, that remarks with more positive f0 slope are more likely to be interpreted as requests, but modal interrogatives with more positive f0 slope are more likely to be taken as questions. Second, while longer remarks were more likely to be interpreted as requests, longer modal interrogatives were more likely to be interpreted as questions.