The authors present a new game-theoretic interpretation of Hobbes's state of nature that, unlike existing rational-choice models, questions the possibility of individually rational decision making. They provide a general formulation of the two-player two-strategy game applied to the state of nature and derive existing models as special cases. A nonstandard version of Chicken under incomplete information, that interprets “death” as infinitely bad, provides an explanation for important and hitherto unaccounted for claims by Hobbes. The authors suggest that rational choice in Hobbesian political philosophy ought to examine not so much the mechanics of rational action in natural conditions, but rather the means whereby citizens already living in civil associations can be persuaded of the irrationality of civil war.

One of the marching songs of the labour movement on this continent is “Solidarity Forever!” But in Canada, its exhortation has sometimes been more honoured in the breach than in the observance. At intervals over the last half-century and more, Canadian trade unionism has been “by schisms rent asunder, by heresies distrest.” In 1902, the Trades and Labor Congress of Canada (T.L.C.) threw out the Knights of Labor and national unions which were “dual” to international unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (A.F.L.). The twenty-three expelled organizations promptly formed the National Trades and Labour Congress. In 1908, this became the Canadian Federation of Labour, a name which has kept cropping up in Canadian labour history ever since. In 1919, just after the Winnipeg strike, and partly as a result of it, a considerable number of western unionists left the T.L.C. to form the One Big Union (O.B.U.). Between 1901 and 1921, small local Roman Catholic unions sprang up in the province of Quebec, and in 1921 these formed the Canadian and Catholic Confederation of Labour (C.C.C.L.). In 1927, the Canadian Federation of Labour and other national unions formed the All-Canadian Congress of Labour (A.C.C.L.). In 1936, some of the officers of the A.C.C.L. seceded to form the present Canadian Federation of Labour, which is no longer even mentioned in the Department of Labour's annual Report on Labour Organization in Canada (and has not been since the 1950–1 edition), and which the orthodox union movement never considered a genuine labour organization at all. (About ten years ago, a secession from the Canadian Federation of Labour formed the National Council of Canadian Labour, which —in spite of its grandiose title, and the faint air of respectability imparted to it by inclusion in the Department of Labour's report, which gives it 42 locals and 5,640 members—is also beyond the pale of orthodox unionism.) In 1939, the executive of the T.L.C. suspended the Canadian unions affiliated with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (C.I.O.) in the United States. These unions formed a Canadian C.I.O. Committee.

The political ideas of public opinion analysts–pollsters as well as theoreticians–have often been submitted to rather harsh criticisms from political philosophers and scientists. On occasion, however, the analysts have reciprocated by accusing the latter of being poorly acquainted not only with the techniques and purpose of polling but also with the basic political assumptions that underlie their work. Public opinion analysts in the United States present themselves as champions of democracy; as a consequence, it is only natural that they should above all resent criticisms asserting that they hold naïve, false, or even subversive notions concerning democracy.

In the present article, I intend to explore the ideological conceptions of American public opinion analysts concerning the position and function of polling in a democracy. Reference to their critics will be made only when one or another public opinion analyst is known to have explicitly answered a specific point. Since many contemporary analysts acknowledge their debt to Bryce's The American Commonwealth, I shall start by presenting the pertinent views of the British author concerning public opinion; second, I shall summarize the views which present polling as a new technique of democratic government; third, I shall consider what public opinion analysts have to say about the impact of polling on the democratic process as such. Finally, I shall conclude by indicating how public opinion analysts view their research in relation to political theory in general.

A formal representation of Malthus' views on the short-run expansion and contraction of income and employment, as discussed in the Principles, has not, so far as I know, been published. Aside from any pedagogical usefulness inherent in the attempt made here to do this, it might also be worth while to examine the model with a view to its possible relevance for the contemporary scene.

Malthus' concern with effective demand produced a classification of the major categories of spending which has interesting implications for the advanced, mixed economies of our time.

It will be recalled that his flows of spending are set up somewhat as follows:

1. Consumption by the productive classes, consisting of

(a) spending for necessaries by labourers;

(b) spending for necessaries, conveniences, and luxuries by capitalists.

2. Investment spending (chiefly by capitalists), composed of

(a) circulating capital inputs, mainly necessaries contained in the wages fund;

(b) fixed capital inputs.

3. Spending by unproductive consumers, largely for conveniences, luxuries, and non-material personal services, that is, by

(a) private persons out of rentier incomes (e.g., rents and interest income on the public debt);

(b) government out of public funds raised through taxation or borrowing.

4. Foreign demand.

Résumé. La forme, le style du discours des hommes politiques sont révélateurs de leurs personnalités et de leurs stratégies de communication. Pour analyser les styles des premiers ministres québécois, un corpus comprenant 789 discours officiels prononcés de 1960 à 2005 a été soumis à une analyse de stylistique quantitative. Nous avons analysé les catégories grammaticales, le maniement des verbes et des noms, la longueur et la structure des phrases. Cette comparaison statistique montre des différences significatives entre les premiers ministres et révèle également la stratégie de communication privilégiée par chacun d'eux.

Abstract. The style of politician speeches reveals their personalities and their communication strategies. In order to analyse the style of Quebec prime ministers, from 1960 to 2005, a corpus of 789 speeches have been built up and a quantitative stylistic analysis has been applied to it. The main indicators used are the grammatical categories, especially the verbs and pronouns, the length and the structure of the sentences. This statistical comparison shows some important differences between the styles of the prime ministers and between the communication strategies they have followed.

Some recent Marxologists (notably Allen Buchanan, Richard Miller and Allen Wood) have denied that the idea of justice can play any significant role within Marxist thought. This article maintains, on the contrary, that the very logic of historical materialism, notably the concept of the historical development of human needs, necessitates a concept of justice even in the higher phase of communism. Furthermore, the “anti-juridical” interpretation of Marx fails to provide an adequate account of the connection between the communist values of self-realization and community. It therefore obscures the concerns addressed by a notion of justice. The early Marx's concept of species-being (Gattungswesen) expresses the relation between self-realization and community in historical terms. Thus it provides an appropriate context for a Marxist theory of justice.

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to significant disruptions in Canada's public school system as provincial and territorial governments have enacted sudden and prolonged school closures. We compare the different school closure decisions in Alberta and Ontario during spring 2021, using official public briefings and publicly available data about rates of COVID-19 cases. We ask if provincial policy decisions can be explained by different epidemiological contexts and risks. We find that key epidemiological indicators such as the rate of cases were not directly linked to school closure decisions. This is important for policy makers and experts: it problematizes the assumption of a straight line between evidence and decisions and has implications for transparency and public trust in pandemic policy choices. A systematic description of the gap between evidence and policy is an important starting point for asking, What does drive decisions to close schools?

Censorship in war-time seeks to withhold military information from the enemy, and to safeguard public morale from the corrosion of enemy propaganda. To achieve the first aim, press censorship is co-ordinated with censorship of radio, the mails, telephone, telegraph, and cable lines; and with appropriate safeguards against public access to prohibited areas.

The principles of military censorship are simple. The essence of successful warfare is secrecy. “Let us learn what we can from the enemy; let us teach him only what we must,” was the rule laid down by Lord Balfour in the last war. Surprise is still the most valuable “secret weapon” of war; and the ideal state of affairs from the narrow viewpoint of military operations is a complete black-out on all information regarding such matters as the strength of military forces, the disposition of units, the nature of defences, the stocks of war supplies, the rate of growth of the armed forces, the rate of production of war weapons, and so on. In modern wars, these desirable military secrets must be extended to facts concerning the economic, financial, and psychological strength of the nation at war.

The ideal state of affairs from the viewpoint of military operations is, unfortunately, at variance with other vital considerations. It is not practicable to screen all information from the enemy without hiding it quite as effectively from one's own people. Complete acceptance of the military philosophy of censorship would raise grave problems in a democracy, which relies so largely on an informed public, and on voluntary effort.

In the present paper I propose first to discuss the place of geography among the sciences, and then to show how modern geographical technique can be applied with fruitful results in the fields of history, economics, anthropology, sociology, and linguistics.

At the University of Chicago, one of the three leading research institutions in America, the four general divisions of undergraduate study are the social, physical, and biological sciences and the humanities. It was found desirable to give geography a place in the first two divisions, thus emphasizing its liaison character. Indeed the relations between geographical research and such subjects as history and biology are so close that the writer feels that geography might well have been given representation on the boards of all four divisions!

Sociologists have formulated a number of general theories to explain the residential mobility of immigrants in American cities and the formation of immigrant colonies. One such theory, brought forth by the Chicago school of sociology, conceived the residential mobility of immigrant groups in reference to subsequent waves of immigration. According to that theory, an immigrant group, upon first arriving in a city, tends to settle in a compact community near the centre of the city which is usually a deteriorated area, a slum. As the individual immigrants improve their economic position, they move from this settlement to more desirable neighbourhoods; their place in the old colony, however, is taken by new immigrants. In such a process the older ethnic group may invade a new area near the centre of the city or it may move out entirely from that part of the city to be succeeded there by another ethnic group. This wave theory was successfully applied to Canadian cities to explain the foreign islands of Montreal and the Jewish community of Winnipeg.

Recently Walter Firey has put forth another theory that regards the foreign colonies as more static formations in the ecology of large cities. His study of the Italian settlement in the North End of Boston has showed that Italian immigrants localize social solidarity in their ethnic area. They gather in a section of the city where they are among themselves and may maintain rather undisturbed their special type of life with its old system of values. Thus, the theory of localized social solidarity would imply that ethnic groups show less residential mobility than the native-born population and do not fall in line with the constant “filtering process” whereby the average resident tends to filter, according to his socio-economic success, into better residential districts with higher rents.

Supervisors shape the PhD student experience and play a critical role in students’ development. To what extent and in what ways are faculty engaged in mentorship? Are faculty mentoring more or differently now than in the past? This study of political science faculty from political science departments offering PhD programs in the English language finds that graduate supervision is changing over time, with mentorship practices becoming both more common and more varied. Supervisors do not appear to be simply replicating their own limited experience of mentorship as a PhD student. Instead, supervisors are becoming more actively and directly involved in their students’ research careers in ways that increase their students’ career opportunities. There is opportunity for institutions, at both the university and department level, to further invest in building the capacity and ability of supervisors to be effective mentors.

This note reviews several recent developments in the Marxist “theory of the state” controversies with the hope of clarifying what those theories have to say about the international behaviour of core nations. It returns to the Kautsky-Lenin Debate over Ultra-imperialism and attempts to show its relevance to the recent Wallerstein “World Systems Debate.” The theoretical difference between Kautsky and “neo-Kautskyite” writers is demonstrated by introducing a two dimensional analytic construct of relations among core states. The discussion of “relative autonomy” points out a major ambiguity which now exists in the “instrumentalist-structuralist” controversy. The note should be useful to Marxist researchers on the theory of the state, comparativists interested in the autonomy of the modern state, and international relations scholars interested in the World Systems debate.

Résumé. Cet article présente une analyse de texte innovatrice, à l'aide d'outils quantitatif et qualitatif, des mémoires anglophones déposés par les groupes d'intérêt au ministère de l'Agriculture et Agroalimentaire Canada lors des consultations reliées au cadre stratégique Cultivons l'avenir en 2007. Nous observons une multiplication des acteurs intéressés par les politiques publiques de ce secteur et un éclatement de leurs discours, qui ne s'articulent plus seulement autour du protectionnisme agricole. Nos résultats signalent une forte fragmentation des débats agricoles, certains groupes favorisant une libéralisation accrue, d'autres défendant la reconnaissance de la multifonctionnalité de l'agriculture. Face à cette polarisation, l'analyse lexicographique du Cadre stratégique canadien indique que le gouvernement affiche une position d'équilibre entre ces discours contrastés, tout en recourant à un argumentaire manifestement en faveur d'une plus grande libéralisation de l'agriculture.

Abstract. This article uses quantitative and qualitative instruments to present an innovative content analysis of the English-language briefs presented by interest groups to Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada during the 2007 consultations for the Growing Forward policy framework. Our analysis shows a proliferation in the number of actors interested in agricultural public policy as well as a diversification of their discussions, which are no longer structured solely around the idea of agricultural protectionism. Our results indicate that stakeholders' objectives in agriculture are highly fragmented, with some groups promoting an increased liberalization and other stakeholders strongly defending the recognition of the multifunctionality of agriculture. Considering these disparate pressures, the lexicographic analysis of the Canadian policy framework indicates that the Canadian government takes a balanced position between these contrasted interests while, nevertheless, putting forward arguments that are clearly in favour of greater agricultural liberalization.

What explains the action of United States legislators in matters of international trade? Do they only respond to protectionist pressures or are they also responsive to pressures from groups favourable to free trade? Is their vote primarily influenced by diffuse or concentrated interests? What is the role played by ideology and partisanship in determining their vote? Given the increasingly important share of exports in the US economy in recent years, the presence in their constituencies of industries potentially hurt by more protectionist policies should influence the voting patterns of members of the US Congress to a similar extent as would the presence of import-sensitive industries. The analysis of a composite index of support for free trade suggests that US senators are not sensitive only to the protectionist demands of import-sensitive industries, but also to exporters' demands for the maintenance of policies consistent with a liberal trade regime. In sum, the political responsiveness that leads legislators to defend industries in their constituencies is not a one-way street. Interdependence means that it can also work to foster the maintenance of existing liberal policies.

The Preliminary Report of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism begins with a sombre statement concerning the condition of Canada. The commissioners note that “Canada … is passing through the greatest crisis in its history” and that “the source of the crisis lies in the Province of Quebec.” The purpose of this note is to report the results of a limited investigation of that crisis.