This article examines how Quebec politicians' sex and political party influence the orientation of their opinions through three themes: the evolution of women's social status, actions of the feminist movement in this sense and the idea of female legislators representing women. A questionnaire was sent to the 305 candidates of the New Democratic party of Quebec, the Quebec Liberal party and the Parti québécois in the provincial election of September 25, 1989. The results show that if women and men manifest no differences in their support of the evolution of women's social status and of the feminist movement, women are more inclined than men to support the idea that women politicians should represent the specific interests of women. Of all the above-mentioned parties, the Liberal party resists this idea the most as well as the feminist movement in general.

In 1960 and 1962 an intensive study was conducted of voluntary organizations and social participation in the town of Biggar, Saskatchewan. While the research was primarily focused upon the structure and characteristics of local voluntary groups, their leadership and their participants, it also delved into the related subjects of voter turnout (on the local, provincial, and federal election levels) and political party preference (on the provincial and federal levels). It is the purpose of this paper to present, and examine the implications of, these latter data. Following a brief description of the research site, and the sample chosen for study, the data are first examined in terms of the apparent relationship between voter turnout and party preference in a community where party switching (that is, voting for one party on the provincial level, another on the federal) is not an uncommon phenomenon. This analysis suggests the probability that a relatively small number of “switch voters” may be the key to party success in many Canadian communities, and examines the question of whether party popularity or keenness of a local competition plays a greater role in stimulating voter turnout. A series of eight social factors are then considered, independently, in terms of their relationships to turnout and party preference. A number of significant findings emerge, some of which support, others of which question, expectations based upon previous research in Canada and elsewhere.

Political parties in Canada oscillate between periods of inter-election quiescence and active electoral year mobilization. This article moves beyond vote share accounts of party system change by using the financial accounts of local associations and central party organizations to track these patterns in the New Brunswick party system. The analysis covers several electoral cycles encompassing government turnover and the rise of a flash party. Ecological models rooted in electoral district-level data (including measures of party activity based on their annual financial records, census data describing the electoral districts and conventional aggregate electoral data) are developed to provide a more nuanced account of a party and party system change than those based on simple election results. The findings demonstrate that even in a period of remarkable electoral flux, party activity and success appears to be rooted in diverse constituency social and political contexts.

In the past century, the notion of human rights has expanded significantly to include a variety of social rights. The introduction of this new category of human rights inspired a lively debate concerning the authenticity of such claims, focussing particularly on the ways in which social rights differ from political rights. This article examines the major points at issue in the debate. The important differences emphasized to date are those relating to costs, universality, and the correlativity of rights and duties. In each of these major areas of dispute, analysis indicates that the allegedly fundamental distinctions between social and political rights are in fact differences of degree, not of kind and, in fact, social rights conform both to the broad logic and the established practice of human rights.

As part of a multi-year, $816 million initiative to assess the risks posed by thousands of commonly used chemicals and compounds, Canada became the first country in the world to declare that bisphenol A (BPA) was toxic and justified regulation in April 2008. The process set up to conduct this risk assessment differed from the previous Canadian experience with the regulation of hazardous substances in that it was more formal, systematic and more pluralistic with much greater participation from interest groups. This case study explores the politics and process behind this decision and argues that the government's decision went beyond what scientific evidence could justify. The decision resulted from long-term institutional factors such as the incentive structure of Canadian federalism and values embedded in legislation as well as short-term factors such as media coverage, public opinion and interest group pressure.

This article examines the lessons "learned" and the legacies inherent in the downfall of authoritarian communism in central and eastern Europe in view of post-communism's first decade. It is argued that the events of 1989-1991 were revolutionary in dramatically and unexpectedly establishing new regimes and ushering in simultaneous and multilateral (political, economic, social, national) change. Furthermore, 1989-1991 represents a rejection of "grand narrative" large-scale social experimentation in political arrangements in favour of hybridism and incrementalism. Ten key maxims are introduced as a means of analyzing this historical rupture and understanding the variety of experiences across the region.

For historical institutionalist scholarship, partisanship's impact on public policy is mediated by institutions; however there is disagreement about whether globalization has altered this nexus. In view of the importance of labour market policy for the equity and efficiency objectives of left– and right–wing parties, it is particularly significant as a domain for testing partisanship's continuing relevance. This article examines the link between partisanship and policy outcomes, using the case of labour market policy in Ontario during the 1990s as its point of reference. It concludes that, in relation to three selected aspects of this field, institutions affected left– and right–wing partisan agendas quite differently, but that globalization has not transformed this relationship in recent years. Because of inter–sectoral institutional variations, this conclusion cannot be extended to other policy domains without further research.

Abstract. This paper questions both realist and restorative conceptions of truth commissions, to the extent that both of those conceptions neglect the internal links between truth commissions and criminal trials. Interpreting the requirements of retribution, responsibility and truth-telling, the paper argues that trials and truth commissions should be placed at points on a spectrum rather than in distinct categories, and that the circumstances of political transition explain the divergences in their respective practices. We may see truth commissions and trials as expressing the same aims of justice, though in contextually differentiated ways that modify both the subordinate principles required by the aims of justice and also their institutional expression.

Résumé. Cet article remet en question la conception réaliste et la conception réparatrice des commissions de vérité, dans la mesure où toutes les deux négligent les liens internes entre les commissions de vérité et les procès criminels. Interprétant les exigences de rétribution, de responsabilité et de véracité, l'article avance que les procès et les commissions de vérité devraient être situés en divers points du même spectre plutôt que dans des catégories distinctes et que les circonstances de transition politique expliquent les différences entre leurs pratiques respectives. On peut considérer les commissions de vérité et les procès comme traduisant une même “poursuite de la justice”, bien que les différences de contexte modifient dans chaque cas les principes subalternes qu'impose la recherche de la justice et, de ce fait, changent aussi leur expression institutionnelle.

In early 1996, Canada's federal government enacted a new constitutional amending process to provide provincial and regional vetoes over future amendments. This study compares the new process with the “7 and 50” formula found in the Constitution Act, 1982. Using the Banzhaf Index as well as separate measures for the power to prevent and the power to initiate amendments, the article examines the relative influence of the provinces under the two amending formulae. As well, it examines the relative voting power of each province's citizens in any future constitutional referendum. The results show that profound changes are produced by the regional veto amending formula, and the article discusses some remedies for the most negative effects.

The role played by the middle powers in international economic negotiations is neglected by the literature on the subject. However, in an international trade negotiation characterized by a configuration of global asymmetry but with a relative symmetry between the dominant actors, the role played by the middle powers such as Canada constitutes a central factor in the success of the negotiation. Taking the example of the prenegotiations of the Free Trade Area of the Americas, this article shows how the middle powers facilitated the success of this crucial phase for the continuation of the negotiations. Le rôle joué par les puissances moyennes dans les négociations économiques internationales n'a pas beaucoup retenu l'attention des chercheurs. Pourtant, dans une négociation commerciale internationale caractérisée par une configuration d'asymétrie globale de pouvoir mais de symétrie relative entre les acteurs dominants, le rôle joué par les puissances moyennes comme le Canada constitue un facteur central dans la réussite de la négociation. Prenant l'exemple des pré-négociations de la Zone de libre-échange des Amériques, cet article démontre comment les puissances moyennes ont facilité la réussite de cette phase cruciale de la poursuite des négociations.

Supervisors shape the PhD student experience and play a critical role in students’ development. To what extent and in what ways are faculty engaged in mentorship? Are faculty mentoring more or differently now than in the past? This study of political science faculty from political science departments offering PhD programs in the English language finds that graduate supervision is changing over time, with mentorship practices becoming both more common and more varied. Supervisors do not appear to be simply replicating their own limited experience of mentorship as a PhD student. Instead, supervisors are becoming more actively and directly involved in their students’ research careers in ways that increase their students’ career opportunities. There is opportunity for institutions, at both the university and department level, to further invest in building the capacity and ability of supervisors to be effective mentors.

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to significant disruptions in Canada's public school system as provincial and territorial governments have enacted sudden and prolonged school closures. We compare the different school closure decisions in Alberta and Ontario during spring 2021, using official public briefings and publicly available data about rates of COVID-19 cases. We ask if provincial policy decisions can be explained by different epidemiological contexts and risks. We find that key epidemiological indicators such as the rate of cases were not directly linked to school closure decisions. This is important for policy makers and experts: it problematizes the assumption of a straight line between evidence and decisions and has implications for transparency and public trust in pandemic policy choices. A systematic description of the gap between evidence and policy is an important starting point for asking, What does drive decisions to close schools?

L'enjeu politique de la fixation du salaire minimum a été relativement peu étudié en science politique. Dans cet article, nous examinons le rôle des partis politiques de gauche sur la fixation du salaire minimum. Comme prédit par la théorie des ressources du pouvoir, les partis de gauche devraient encourager l'augmentation du salaire minimum. Nous postulons toutefois que cet effet diffère selon le niveau de corporatisme. Plus particulièrement, nous pensons que l'effet des partis politiques de gauche devrait être plus faible sous des niveaux de corporatisme élevés puisque les partenaires sociaux sont davantage consultés et que les gouvernements ont tendance à leur déléguer la régulation des salaires. Nos résultats confirment ces hypothèses. Ils indiquent que le salaire minimum tend à augmenter lorsque les gouvernements sont davantage à gauche idéologiquement et que cette relation est plus forte lorsque le degré de corporatisme est faible.

Cet article fait état des pratiques marketing de quatre partis politiques (Coalition avenir Québec, Parti libéral du Québec, Parti québécois, Québec solidaire) en vue de l’élection générale québécoise de 2018. La couverture médiatique sur la pratique du marketing politique au Québec laissait présager une adoption plus marquée de l'approche marketing en 2018, notamment grâce à une utilisation soutenue des données numériques. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, des entrevues semi-dirigées ont été menées auprès du personnel de campagne de ces formations. Nos résultats stipulent que la planification électorale se fait bel et bien dans un esprit de marketing politique. Les partis pratiquent toutefois un marketing partiel : ils mobilisent principalement l'intelligence de marché à des fins tactiques. Le numérique entraîne un raffinement de cette approche publicitaire. Finalement, l'application du concept de data-driven campaign n'est pas encore pleinement intégrée au Québec.

The physical features controlling the economic development of a region can be classified under the two main headings of geological and climatic controls. All pastoral, agricultural, mining, or industrial life depends essentially on the distribution of minerals, soils, water supply, temperature, and rainfall. There is, however, another geological feature which exercises great influence on human interests, and that is the topography, i.e., the arrangement of mountain and plain, of rivers and lakes, and all the elements which in more precise language build up the science of geomorphology. The present study attempts to show, first of all, what are the main features in southern Ontario, more particularly within a couple of hundred miles of Toronto, which have necessarily greatly affected the settlement of the region. Secondly the evolution of the city of Toronto as determined by the minor topographic features is described in somewhat general terms. It is hoped that this will pave the way to a more complete study of the city in the near future.

There has been considerable discussion recently in the English-speaking world about the office of Ombudsman, or complaints commissioner, in the Nordic countries. The present paper first explains the need for the office, and shows how it meets this need. We then deal with arguments that have been raised against transplanting the institution to other countries, consider some problems regarding its functions and powers, and finally discuss the specific problem of its application to Canada.

Briefly stated, the argument for the Ombudsman scheme derives from the fact that all democratic countries in the twentieth century have experienced a shift from the laissez-faire to the positive state. The accompanying tremendous growth in the range and complexity of government activities has brought with it the need to grant increasing powers of discretion to the executive side of government; and as Dicey has warned us, “Wherever there is discretion, there is room for arbitrariness.” It is quite possible nowadays for a citizen's rights to be accidentally crushed by the vast juggernaut of the government's administrative machine. In this age of the welfare state, thousands of administrative decisions are made each year by governments or their agencies, many of them by lowly officials; and if some of these decisions are arbitrary or unjustified, there is no easy way for the ordinary citizen to gain redress.

The year 1954 was an active one in the development of Canada's financial system. Important revisions were made to banking legislation. The statutory minimum cash reserve ratio required of the chartered banks was changed from a fixed daily ratio of 5 per cent to a daily average of 8 per cent which the banks must achieve for the calendar month. The central bank was granted another tool of monetary control—the right to alter the minimum cash reserve ratio. The chartered banks were admitted to new fields of lending. In June another step was taken to broaden the short-term money market when the chartered banks commenced to make day-to-day loans. These developments reflected a desire on the part of the monetary authorities to increase the sensitivity and flexibility of the nation's financial system.

Meanwhile Canada's fourth housing act was passed. The National Housing Act, 1954, marked the federal government's twentieth year of continuous assistance to housebuilding. Like its forerunners, the Dominion Housing Act of 1935 and the National Housing Acts of 1938 and 1944, the new act provides assistance primarily through the medium of the mortgage market. All the acts have been concerned with the provision of mortgage credit for housebuilding at terms more favourable to the borrower than those prevailing in the conventional loan market.