I Discuss here some features of the type of storage amphora dubbed ‘SOS’, a large semi-decorated container in use from the later eighth to the first half of the sixth century B.C., and found at a large number of sites around the Mediterranean and beyond. In particular, the evidence of clay analyses carried out at the British School by Richard Jones will be adduced to confirm the Attic origin of the majority of these vases, while other centres of production will be reviewed. I also treat briefly the shape and decoration of the type and the inscriptions which the vases often carry. Other scholars are working on different aspects of the SOS amphora and I have therefore restricted my comments here; similarly, I do not treat at length material which is in course of publication, leaving closer discussion of dating especially to the excavators concerned.

The Medieval towers of the former Duchy of Athens and Thebes—that is, the modern Nomes of Attica, Boeotia, Phokis, and Phthiotis—are described and analysed.

With reference to their siting, their architectural details, and any associated features, together with an examination of any relevant documentary material, the dating, the affinities, and the function of the towers within the feudal landscape of mainland central Greece are discussed.

Until 1974, the site known to archaeologists as Servia, and discovered by A. J. B. Wace in 1909, about 6 km. north of the town of the same name, was to be found on the right bank of the Haliakmon, immediately downstream from the bridge carrying the main road from Larissa to Kozani (Plate 26a). The bridge shown in the frontispiece to ‘Prehistoric Macedonia’ was blown up by the retreating British Army in the last war; the Bailey bridge which replaced it and the site itself now lie over 30 m. below the surface of a great artificial lake, Limni Polyphytou, which fills the valley of the Middle Haliakmon, Plate 26b. The new bridge is the largest in Greece, and its impressive length emphasizes the importance of the crossing. Over it passes the highway, once the only practicable route connecting Thessaly, and ultimately central Greece, with Macedonia, while the bridges, past and present, marked the only convenient fording-place.

The ancient world had three chief types of loom, the horizontal ground loom, the vertical loom with upper and lower beams, and the vertical loom with warp weights. The third is the subject of this study, but for a clear understanding of it the character of the other two looms must be understood, and diagrams of all three types are therefore included.

The horizontal ground loom is the older of the looms of Ancient Egypt. It is known to us already from a painting on a dish of the Predynastic period, but our chief knowledge of it comes from Tomb scenes and models of the twelfth dynasty.

The article presents an apsidal temple excavated by the 6th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities at Nikoleika, in the chora of ancient Helike. The building was erected at the end of the eighth century, after levelling which probably destroyed a Protogeometric construction. A mudbrick altar erected in the first half of the eighth century lay buried beneath the temple floor: offerings and faunal remains from the altar area are presented, noting evidence for ritual dining. A terminus ante quem for the abandonment of the Geometric temple is provided by mid sixth-century architectural terracottas, presumably from its successor.

Papademetriou, in publishing a new grave-inscription from Zographo, has propounded a theory which, if true, has important consequences for our understanding of Attic comedy in general and of the Lysistrata of Aristophanes in particular. For convenience I reprint the text with two slight modifications.

In l. 4 the stone has ΜΥΡΡΙΝΕΗΚΛΗΘΗ I prefer to assume that the stone-cutter, uncertain of the correct use of eta (cf. πρώτε and Νίκες in l. 5), has transposed the letters, rather than assume with Papademetriou an unnecessary and unparalleled lengthened form and an omitted augment. After ἐτύμως the three dots of punctuation are clear. Even if they were not, metre and sense would suggest that ἐτύμως went with the previous sentence. ἐτύμως has nearly all its later meaning here. Papademetriou has illustrated the cult-significance of the name Μυρρίνη.

His thesis is this. We know the first priestess of Athena Nike was appointed round about 450, perhaps after the Peace of Kallias. Here is her gravestone, which, from the style of its lettering and the transition to Ionic which it illustrates, ought to be close to 400.

The recent publication, by Miss M. Crosby (in Hesperia XIX 189–312), of all the extant lists found at Athens belonging to the accounts of the poletai, and relating to the leasing of mines in the Laurion region, justifies a fresh examination of the administration and importance of the mines. A full topographical study, for which there is a considerable amount of material, can hardly be pursued except on the ground; the same is true of an archaeological survey of the actual mines and surface establishments. There are, on the other hand, certain problems of terminology, administration, and economic significance which are independent of such a survey, and may, indeed, help as a preliminary to it, and serve, as well, to supplement Ardaillon's work where it seems to be most out-of-date. Such problems are considered in the following study, the chief material being the lease lists so admirably published by Miss Crosby, joined to such information as may be gained from other sources.

New data on Late Bronze Age Cypriot and Aegean material found in the eastern, southern, and central Mediterranean significantly alter timeworn concepts about the scope and extent of Mediterranean trade systems. Recent geochemical and statistical analyses highlight the pivotal role played by the production, distribution, and consumption of copper oxhide ingots in the Bronze Age economies of the wider Mediterranean world. As a consequence, it is possible to propose some basic hypotheses on metallurgical origins, and on the possible orientation of Mediterranean Bronze Age trade and traders.

Two basic issues are involved: 1) did increased trade with the eastern Mediterranean stimulate production and intensify exchange mechanisms in the central Mediterranean? 2) or did eastern Mediterranean traders simply plug into an existing politico-economic system that somehow monitored metals' production and exchange further west?

This paper also evaluates the impact of new archaeological and metallurgical data on traditional interpretations of Cypriot copper production and exchange in its Late Bronze Age Mediterranean context. Whilst Cypriot copper production remained important to the economy of the Bronze Age Mediterranean, it also made key tactical and commercial adjustments to the coming Age of Iron. Mechanisms of Mediterranean trade are still difficult to pin down, and it is unrealistic to do more than propose basic models of entrepreneurship, ethnicity, and exchange.

The reforms of Solon have been a source of debate for many years now. The number of articles, chapters, and books written about them is legion. The justification for the present attempt is that it approaches the problem from a slightly different angle. The overriding aims of this paper are: (a) to elucidate what the agricultural system was in this period and to demonstrate that it did not ‘change with glacial slowness’ and that farmers were not incapable of increasing production; (b) to propose the adoption of a slightly different theoretical framework for analysing the culture of Greece in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. Here, as in so many studies of archaic economies, the main schools of thought are the formalists and the substantivists; the formalists can be further broken down into the capitalists and the Marxists (see below p. 119). Proponents of both sides use predominantly, though not exclusively, analogies derived from Medieval Europe; this, as I shall argue shortly, has led to some serious misunderstandings. Feudal Europe was the culmination of a long development which was very different from that which preceded archaic Greece. Although it is possible to see some resemblances, on the whole they were two distinct cultures.

This article presents conclusions drawn from the results of surface survey and excavation at Agios Georgios, Vouno (Kythera), the peak sanctuary of the nearby Minoan colony at Kastri. Small finds included a black steatite ladle inscribed in Linear A with a name reminiscent of ‘Demeter’, libation tables, some clay and numerous bronze figurines (both anthropomorphic and animal), jewellery, bronze votive offerings in the shape of human limbs, miniature clay horns of consecration, and a small bronze double axe. The pottery includes some MM I B–MM II but is richest in MM III–LM I/I B, particularly fine wares. The finds suggest that the importance of Kastri was greater than hitherto supposed, but they exhibit significant contrasts with assemblages at Cretan peak sanctuaries. The site's proximity to the metallurgical resources of Laconia, and its strategic location overlooking sea passages, are considered. It is suggested that cult activity here was dependent not on West Crete but on Knossos. Parallels are drawn with the sites of Troullos (Kea), Trianta (Ialysos, Rhodes), and Mikri Vigla (Naxos), and possible Minoan elements in later Laconian cult are noted.

For late bronze age Greece, archaeobotanical research has demonstrated a striking range of grain crops, whereas only two or three categories of grain are recorded in Linear B texts. It is unlikely that each Linear B grain ideogram covers several crops, or that the paucity of grain ideograms results from the partial preservation of texts. It is argued that the Linear B evidence reflects selective palatial involvement in grain production, although the identity of the two or three crops documented in Linear B is uncertain.

The plain and bay of Palaikastro are bounded on the south by an abrupt ridge of hills, which run out seaward into a prominent cape. Landwards, this ridge is cut off from the mass which culminates in Mt. Simódhi by a northward and a southward valley, which carry an almost impassable track from the Palaikastro plain to the cove of Karoúmes. The highest peak of this ridge, which bears the name of Petsofà, stands directly south of Roussolakkos, and rises steeply above it to a height of 270 metres. Southwards beyond the summit the slope is at first more gentle, but becomes abrupt about a quarter of a mile further on, and drops rapidly to sea-level on the south side of the promontory. The actual summit is formed by a ragged crest of limestone, precipitous on the north side, and descending less rapidly southwards into the general slope already mentioned.

Some 10–15 m. down this face, however, the natural slope of the ground is interrupted by a zig-zag terrace-wall, ABCDE, which still stands some 2·5 m. high at its external angle C, and holds up an artificial platform of made-earth within it. The little enclosure which lies against its outer face between C and D is wholly modern, though built almost wholly of ancient stones from the walls above: the older workmen described it as a ‘look-out,’ but it seemed also to have served as a sheep-pen.

In 1955 it was decided to transfer the School's undersea activity from Chios to Crete during the time that excavations on land were being continued at Knossos. The Greek Ministry of Education most generously granted permission for the School to carry on diving operations at selected points off the coast of Crete in co-operation with the Ephor of Antiquities, Dr. Nicolas Platon.

The campaign lasted three weeks, from August 9th to 30th, with a party of ten volunteers under the leadership of John Leatham. The sites explored were chosen by Dr. Platon, who gave the party much of his time and interest, and made repeated visits to the places where they were working. The party had its headquarters in an empty house which belonged to the School's foreman, Manoli Markoyiannakis, conveniently situated upon the main road in the suburb of Poros (Katsamba) just east of Herakleion. This was used as a central depot, and the compressor for filling the aqualungs was established here. The work was unfortunately hampered throughout the three weeks by high seas owing to the prevailing north winds (Meltemia). It was difficult therefore to make great use of the aqualungs.

Recent dendrological and dendro/radiocarbon research has raised questions concerning dates previously proposed for the end of LH III A2 and the transition to LH III B. Moreover, further examination of the Mycenaean and Levanto-Mycenaean pottery from Kamid el-Loz in Syria has added relevant information, as has examination of the material from the Uluburun shipwreck and the Miletus excavation. Analysis suggests that the transition from LH III A1 to III A2 pottery takes place between 1390 and 1375 BC; the transition from LH III A2 to III B1 begins around 1330 BC at the earliest and ends around 1290 BC at the latest, with the main transition in many areas occurring no earlier than 1315–1305 BC.

A new approach to Aegean ivory working, described in this article, demonstrates that in addition to elephant tusk, carvers made use of hippopotamus ivory throughout the Bronze Age. A brief introduction describes the background to the present study and the methods adopted here. The characteristics of elephant ivory and hippopotamus ivory are summarised and examples are given which show how morphological or structural features visible in finished objects enable us to identify the kind of ivory present. The central section presents a range of objects identified, during recent research, as made from hippopotamus ivory. These include prepalatial seals, inlays ranging in date from MMI toLH IIIB, certain Mycenaean plaques and warrior heads. Frequently it is possible to determine how these objects were made, less often why hippopotamus tusk was used. The final sections discuss the question of ivory sources and attempt to draw together the various strands of evidence for ivory working in the Aegean Bronze Age.

This report describes twelve archaeological sites discovered and briefly surveyed in September 1971 by a team from the University of Bristol, led by the writers. The work was completed in three days, following a more extended and intensive survey of the Ayiofarango catchment area. Our attention was concentrated on the two harbour sites just east of the mouth of the Ayiofarango valley, at Kaloi Limenes and Lasaia, and on the evidence that they had attracted human occupation throughout antiquity (Plate 5a). Nevertheless, the whole of the coastal strip from the mouth of the Ayiofarango valley to the ruined church at Chrisostomos was examined (Fig. 1), and the areas between the gorge and the sites just west of Kaloi Limenes (SC1–5) and between Kaloi Limenes and the tholoi and Roman farmstead overlooking Lasaia (SC8–9) do seem to be empty of evidence for occupation at any period before the present.

Here is presented, along with a revised overall site-plan indicating findspots, the late material from the BSA excavations in the northern cemetery area of ancient Knossos, prior to the construction of the present University buildings. These finds were excluded from the major published site-reports. They relate to the Early Christian martyrion-church complex noted in the preliminary site report. Dating from the period c. AD 400–650, they comprise some small deposits within the church complex, items placed in some of the many ossuaries (osteothekai) surrounding it, and in particular a well/cistern filling datable to c. 620–640 which may signal the end of use of the church (though perhaps not of the cemetery). The ossuary finds document a widespread sixth and seventh century burial custom—did the practice of depositing pots in funerary contexts then cease, due to religious censure? The well finds include the normal ‘export’ wares of the period, along with a class of Cretan(?) imitations of the African and Phocaean fine wares. Some wheelmade lamps have parallels from elsewhere in Crete; a class of very simple coarse bowls could be locally made. Several vessels bear graffiti, in particular a Phocaean Red Slip dish with two Christian dedicatory texts.

This article explores expressions of cultural identity in the LM II mortuary data from the Knossos valley, in the context of the issue of a ‘Mycenaean’ presence there. It proposes that the burial record is less useful for trying to establish a mainland origin for the people interred in the tombs, than for exploring how people chose to represent themselves and each other in death. In this light, the cultural influences in the tomb architecture and assemblages of the Isopata and Kephala tombs in particular are examined. The experimentation apparent in such tombs suggests that the mortuary sphere was employed as a forum for status display in the context of a social transition at Knossos, with mainland traits being one element in a range of options that were selectively taken up and adapted.

The period from the late Middle Bronze Age to the start of the Late Bronze Age in the Levant, largely coeval with the Canaanite, ‘Hyksos“, 15th Dynasty of Egypt, is characterized by the appearance of Late Cypriot I A ceramics at a number of key sites in the east Mediterranean. The exact absolute dates to apply to this period have been the subject of controversy, in part inter-linked with debate over the date of the eruption of Thera, but scholarship recognises that this visible horizon of international trade must have been of considerable significance, especially on Cyprus itself. Here a dramatic shift in settlement to the coastal areas of the island at the beginning of the Late Cypriot period has long been recognized; this is also the time period of the formation of larger complex socio-political entities at the sites on Cyprus which go on to comprise the Late Cypriot ‘urban“ civilisation. Tombs of the relevant Middle Cypriot III–Late Cypriot I period are well known on Cyprus, but stratified settlement contexts on Cyprus, yet alone contexts directly related to such international trade, are scarce to non-existent. We report finds of just such direct relevance from a (currently) unique deposit as a result of an initial investigation of the seabed off the Late Cypriot site of Maroni Tsaroukkas on the south coast of Cyprus (MTSB Site 1). Consideration of these finds provides important new evidence for the Late Cypriot I A period; they also indicate routes to more sophisticated analyses of Cypriot–east Mediterranean interaction and the resolution of current problems in chronology. In particular, a review of Late Cypriot I A connections highlights the need to emphasise the central importance of the Canaanite pre-18th Dynasty (late Middle Bronze Age) world to the formative development of both Late Bronze Age Cyprus, and the Late Bronze Age Aegean.

A series of analytical descriptions is given, to reveal how defensive principles changed, and the extent to which tradition prevailed throughout the Byzantine period. In addition to those few works whose date is known from literature or inscription, others which seem to have been built in response to specific historical circumstances are included.