The nature of 8th century Corinthian contact with sites in Phokis, Ithaka and Epirus is discussed, and archaeological evidence from these areas re-examined. It is suggested that early exchange activity is more complex than has hitherto been recognised, and should be regarded as independent of subsequent colonisation. A change in the pattern of contacts is distinguished from c. 725, and it is argued that Corinthian western trade was redirected in the wake of colonisation. Possible motivation for contact is assessed, and it is suggested that metal, especially copper, may have been the main commodity exchanged. The nature and mechanisms of early exchange are discussed, and their implications for Corinthian state formation outlined. Evidence for Corinthian contacts elsewhere in the gulf region is assessed with particular reference to Achaia.

Statuettes of children crouching on the floor with one knee bent up or both legs folded have been found in many parts of Greece, in sanctuaries, graves, and living quarters. In the course of a study of the cult of the Greek Kourotrophos there arose the problem of their typology and interpretation, as such statuettes are common finds in the sanctuaries of deities concerned with child-care. Before one can come to any speculations about their meaning and use, the type must be examined; its origin, distribution, and variations.

The crouching posture is not uncommon in eastern, especially Egyptian art. Child-Horus, crouching on the lotus, appears in Egyptianizing Phoenician ivories from the early first millennium B.C. Faience pendants of a squatting child, dated c. 900 B.C., were excavated in tombs in Lachish. Most interesting for this study is the small faience statuette of a crouching boy from an Egyptian grave, now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Plate 20, 1). It is exactly in the posture that the Greek examples appear in: one knee bent up, the other on the floor; it has its finger on its mouth and bears the side-curl of youth. A real child is represented. This is also the case with three statuettes in the British Museum, one in copper and two in ivory, the latter inscribed with the names and titles of the owners. They too come from graves. All are dated around the beginning of the second millennium B.C. by a statuette of the same type coming from the tomb of the Pharaoh Pepi II. It is interesting to know that this posture and the hand on the mouth, as well as the nudity, are significant of young age in Egypt, since the hieroglyph for youth is a naked figure in this posture.

The School's decision to undertake work in the island of Chios was made possible by the generosity of an anonymous donor. The work was placed under my direction, and in the first year (1952) excavations were carried out on a limited scale during three weeks of June on the Kofinà ridge in Chios town, while soundings were made on an Early Bronze Age site at Emporio near Pyrgi on the south coast of the island, where work has since continued.

The site of Kofinà was chosen because Archaic sherds on the surface raised a hope that it might be possible to uncover something of the Archaic city there. As it turned out, the Kofinà area was on the very edge of the ancient city, as of the modern town. The excavations at Kofinà were begun by myself, assisted by Mr. J. K. Anderson, and after the first ten days they were continued and completed by Mr. Anderson and Mr. R. V. Nicholls. The results of the excavations are here published in full by Mr. Anderson.

The delay in the publication of this report is due to World War II, and therefore requires no apology from us. A few drawings, notes and photographs were lost or mislaid during the evacuation of April 1941, and have not yet been traced. Post-war conditions have made it impossible to revisit Siphnos, where the great majority of the finds were stored. Such a visit, however, might not have availed us much, since, according to an official report received by the Ministry of Education during the occupation, the officer in command of the Italian garrison took all the objects of value into his own custody, on the ground that they were insecurely housed. As this officer appropriated the catalogue also, the persons making the report were unable to say which of the finds had been removed; but it is believed that the two important seventh-century figurines in vase technique (Pls. 6–8) are among those missing.

The industrial minerals (IM) of antiquity, the ‘earths’ of the Classical sources, have for long eluded the archaeological record because of the limited material evidence they leave behind in the course of their extraction and processing. The extensive references in Classical and medieval literature and travellers' accounts have never previously been followed up by detailed surveys and by scientific analysis. In the course of April–May 1998 archaeological, topographic and geological surveys were carried out at the Roman site of Aghia Kyriaki, on the island of Melos, with the long term aim of putting the elusive ‘earths’ on the archaeological map of ancient industries. The present article outlines the work so far and highlights the complex factors that may contribute to the identification and characterisation of industrial minerals working in the absence of pyrotechnological waste. Furthermore, since IM processing requires a sustainable low temperature energy source, the hypothesis is put forward that Aghia Kyriaki may have been built on agriculturally inhospitable terrain mainly in order to take advantage of the area's still active geothermal field. If proven, this may constitute evidence for the first use of a ‘soft’ and environmentally friendly energy source during the Roman period in the Aegean.

The classical Black Glaze pottery is a reddish ware distinguished by a uniform, lustrous black ‘glaze’—to use the term improperly—and fairly closely standardized in its forms. The main centre of production of this ware was Athens; and at the commencement of the excavations at Smyrna we supposed that the pottery of this class in the classical levels was Attic import. But it soon became clear that the bulk of the black glaze ware in the fourth-century levels (as opposed to that of the fifth century) was not Attic. It is very good imitation of Attic, so good as to be at times indistinguishable; but when the material is set side by side with Attic ware of the same period, differences become manifest. The biscuit is less consistent in colour, too frequently pink near the edges of the break and grey in the core; and not infrequently the glaze is a warm sigillata red. The ring feet tend perhaps to be heavier and the bases less delicately painted than the Attic. The favourite type of bowl with a reserved stripe on the outer wall (Figs. 4–5) cannot be matched in Athens, while conversely the ordinary fourth-century kotyle with cyma profile is not present at Smyrna; and the salt-cellars at Smyrna seem to diverge from their Attic counterparts.

This article is concerned with the aspect of pottery function in both the domestic/personal and the public/commercial sphere, and particularly with the function of the most common pottery forms current in the Mycenean period, with special reference to material from a group of four LH III B1 houses outside the walls of Mycenae (West House, House of Shields, House of the Oil Merchant, House of Sphinxes). The primary division being between open and closed shapes, the different forms are individually examined both through practical experimentation and through a comprehensive assessment of their structural elements (size, lip form, handles, base, fabric, etc.), as well as from the point of view of current potters' practices. Many of the forms have also been encountered in earlier or later periods, the conclusions being thus applicable to a much wider context. The final section examines the distinction between primary (originally intended) and secondary functions, as well as that between containers of dry or liquid substances, with a detailed discussion of the criteria involved. Finally, the entire corpus of vessels is divided into six categories, corresponding to their usage, with special reference to primary function.

The four authors of this paper have worked in close consultation throughout the project, and present a joint result rather than so many separately initialled sections. Catling has most responsibility for the archaeological matter, Jones for the analytical work, Cherry and Jones for the interpretation of the results of the analyses and Killen for the epigraphic comment.

It must be noted that a single series of numbers, 1–108, is used throughout this paper to distinguish the test samples. The significance of these numbers is made clear in the Catalogue and Concordances.

Current technical interest in the nature of the black inlaid decoration on ancient metalware has stimulated an examination of some of the well-known bronze daggers, silver vessels, and other fragments, all with inlaid decoration and dating to the 16–14th centuries BC, from Mycenae, Prosymna, Dendra, Routsi, and Pylos. Results of non-destructive X-ray fluorescence analysis point to great versatility in working with copper (or bronze)–gold–silver alloys. The black inlaid decoration is usually copper/bronze–gold alloy with small quantities of silver. Four of the objects were also examined by X-ray radiography.

Among the seven nations inhabiting the Peloponnese, Herodotus counts the Achaeans third. They were, he says, natives of the Peloponnese, but no longer living in their own land. Elsewhere he says that the Ionians of Asia Minor were divided into twelve cities because formerly when they lived in the Peloponnese they were divided into twelve parts, which twelve divisions were maintained by the Achaeans who expelled them. This story was certainly believed generally by Ionians and Achaeans alike in the fourth century B.C., and is accepted by Polybius, Strabo, and Pausanias, who add that the Achaean leader was Tisamenos, son of Orestes. Perhaps when the Homeric Catalogue of Ships was composed Achaea was ruled by princes claiming descent from Agamemnon, some of whose followers

The date of Ogyges, named as the last king, is uncertain, but there is no evidence that the land was ruled by kings at the time when the western colonies were founded. The princes named by Pausanias are surely fictitious, but the tradition of a separate dynasty, that of Preugenes and his son Patreus, suggests that Western Achaea, the area not mentioned by Homer, may have formed a separate kingdom.

The purpose of this study is to combine an archaeological and a historical analysis of settlement within the territory of the polis of Mantineia in E. Arkadia during the Archaic and Classical periods. Its aim is twofold: first, to collect and interpret the evidence for settlements and their history; secondly, to examine that evidence in relation to Mantineia's society and economy, in order to assess the significance of changes of settlement patterns for the nature of the Mantineian polis. The changes in question revolve around the eventful history of the town of Mantineia which was founded sometime in the late Archaic or early Classical period, destroyed by the Spartans and compulsorily abandoned in 385 B.C., and finally refounded in 370, remaining in existence until the sixth to seventh centuries A.D.

The significance of these changes for the political and military history of the Peloponnese, especially for the vital interests of Spartan foreign policy, was realized in antiquity and has been discussed in detail in several modern accounts. The location of Mantineian territory within the Peloponnese (Fig. 1) made it a strategic military focus and thoroughfare. Mantineia, together with Tegea and Pallantion, occupied the modern valley of Tripolis, which enclosed the largest plain of E. Arkadia and was linked directly with the valley of Sparta through the N. Lakonian hills by at least two major routes used by military traffic.

This paper is divided into three sections. In the first a group of pottery fragments from Chalcis serves as an introduction to a study of early Euboean pottery, and of its appearance and imitation in other parts of the Greek world. In the second some archaic and black-figured vases are published as addenda to my article on ‘Pottery from Eretria’ in BSA xlvii. 1–48, plates 1–14. This I refer to here simply as Eretria. Finally some historical considerations are prompted by the archaeological evidence reviewed. Briefly they involve the following theses: that Strabo's ‘Old Eretria’ may lie at or near Amarynthos at the distance from Eretria that Strabo indicated; that Euboeans played a major part in the foundation of Al Mina (Posideion) on the North Syrian coast in the early eighth century B.C.; that they may be largely responsible for the adoption of the Semitic alphabetic characters for the Greek language; and that Eretria was the ultimate victor in the ‘Lelantine War’.

Mme Semni Karouzou has with customary generosity granted me permission to publish several vases in the National Museum, Athens. Other pieces in the Louvre, the British Museum, and the Ashmolean Museum are illustrated by permission of the authorities of those museums. Mrs. A. D. Ure has been particularly helpful in the study of the black-figured vases and is herself preparing a study of a series closely related to the Euboean vases which are discussed here.

Large quantities of imported Mycenaean pottery are found in Cyprus between the late fifteenth and mid-thirteenth centuries BC, usually in ceremonial or funerary contexts. This article examines the role and value of the Mycenaean imports in Late Cypriot contexts. It is suggested that the incorporation of certain elements of the Mycenaean ceramic repertoire within Late Cypriot funerary ritual had a dramatic impact on the indigenous pottery industry.

The zooarchaeological remains from a Mycenaean chamber tomb (LH II B–IIIc early) at Apatheia, Galatas, NE Peloponnese, are analysed and discussed. The bones offer evidence for mortuary dining ritual and for the ritual deposition of dog skeletons. The latter practice in Mycenaean burials is discussed and, contrary to previous interpretation, is connected to the social and ideological role of hunting in Mycenaean society.

As far as it was possible to forecast the Campaign of 1902 on the Palace site of Knossos it promised to be one of finishing up in a limited quarter of the East Slope, with some further delimitation of already fairly ascertained boundaries. But appearances were deceptive. Not only did the work of excavating the remainder of the deep-lying rooms of the Central part of this quarter prove to be of extraordinary difficulty, owing to the masses of heavy superstructures that it was necessary to support, but the building was found to extend further down the slope than the preliminary trial pits had led us to expect. In several cases these had just missed important walls, with the result that vast masses of excavated materials had, towards the close of the previous campaign, been dumped down in places from which they had this year to be removed at the cost of much labour. It was also found that several of the chambers previously excavated along the edge of the second East Slope Terrace—notably those near the Olive Press—overlaid basement areas containing important remains, and these, in turn, the floor levels of a still earlier Palace, covered with pottery of the pure ‘Kamáres’ class.

The island of Kea in the North Cyclades was well known in antiquity for its miltos, a naturally occurring red iron oxide valued for its colour and wide range of applications. By combining geological field work, physico-chemical analytical techniques, simulation (heating) experiments as well as simple laboratory tests, this paper describes the study of Kean iron oxides in an attempt to characterize this material which is still largely elusive in the archaeological record. The present work corroborates previous observations about the superior quality of some Kean iron oxides. Furthermore, it puts forward the hypothesis that miltos may have been considered an industrial mineral, and as such may have been used as an umbrella term for a variety of materials including mineralogically distinct purple as well as red iron oxides.

The very familiarity of Greek art is apt to make us take its development very much for granted. It has a beginning in the isolated silhouettes and matchstick processions of Geometric art; progresses through an ever more faithful, that is to say illusionistic, rendering of the objects of the natural world to classic formalism; goes on to the remarkable technical proficiency of the third century B.C.; and finally declines in late Hellenistic sterilities before being absorbed and transformed by Imperial Rome and the Early Christians. It seems to be a sort of organic process: birth, flowering, and death follow in such a logical and apparently inevitable fashion that it is difficult not to be seduced by the metaphor.

The occupational history of the site, like its name Smyrna, goes back beyond Hellenic times. The earliest observed prehistoric habitation, dating to the third millennium B.C., and contemporary and culturally akin to that of the First and Second Cities of Troy, has been encountered only on the rocky core of the peninsula where occupational strata of this era were revealed in a trench dug down the face of the rock (Square Nxiv). Deep soundings at other points (Squares Exii–xiii, Jxviii–xix) yielded no trace of third-millenium occupation, and it seems unlikely that the occupation in this period extended far to the east. The peninsula in fact seems to have been much smaller at that time. The lowest occupation in the trench in Square Jxviii–xix, in the third metre below modern sea-level, seems to be of about the beginning of the second millennium; and since it is unlikely, assuming a fairly steady rate of submergence of the coast (cf. n. 13), that prehistoric occupation could lie much deeper than this, it must have been about the end of the third millennium that the east shore of the peninsula advanced to this point. A considerable upwards slope to westward from this point in early times may be inferred from the fact that a stratum of early Geometric pottery was cut in works of field improvement in 1951 about the 8-metre contour in Squares L–Mxvi (i.e. about 2 metres higher than in Square Jxviii). A similar series of second-millennium levels in Square Exii, not explored to the bottom, attests the growth of the peninsula on the north-east. The gap in time between the second-millennium and the third-millennium levels revealed in these trenches has not been closed, though isolated fragments of pottery found in the course of field improvement north-west of the trench in Square Nxiv may belong to this intermediate phase. The second-millennium occupation, of which a number of successive levels were exposed in the deep soundings, seems perhaps to be more akin to Anatolian than to Aegean cultures. The expansion of the habitable peninsula, assisted by the action of streams flowing from the mountain-side into the embracing arm of the sea, was more rapid in the second millennium than at any other time, and the settlement here in the advanced Bronze Age may have been a not inconsiderable one by the standards of this coast.

This catalogue is offered as a tribute to the great British epigraphist to whom this volume is dedicated. Since it consists chiefly of inscribed bases which have lost their sculpture, it may serve as a kind of appendix to studies of archaic Attic funeral monuments, in particular to the two monumental works by Dr. G. M. A. Richter, Kouroi and Archaic Attic Gravestones. I have listed the inscriptions, where possible, under the area of Attica whence each is known, or thought, to have come, and added brief lists of any archaic sculpture which is certainly or possibly (a) from these areas and (b) funerary. Obviously, many inclusions in both lists may be wrong. Stones stray as far as cats or pigeons do, and have no homing instincts. Some of the sculptures listed may have been dedications. But it seemed advisable to risk including the unlawful rather than excluding the lawful, provided that the uncertainties were made clear. Even after one has allowed for all the probabilities of error, the statistics produced from these combined lists yield some general conclusions that are not without interest. They are discussed at the end of the lists.

This article presents a corpus of all the published marine style material known to the author, and references to a proportion of material known but not yet published. It is arranged by site, and within each site by shape in the same order of motifs. A descriptive analysis of shapes is presented.