Surely no one now doubts that, as the logical outcome of such possibilities, a third world war can hardly end in anything but the annihilation of the loser. We are already so in the thrall of total war that we can scarcely imagine a war between Russia and America in which the American Constitution or the current Russian regime would survive defeat. But that means that a future war will not be about a gain or loss of power, about borders, export markets, or Lebensraum, that is, about things that can also be achieved by means of political discussion and without the use of force. It means that war has now ceased to be the ultima ratio of negotiations, whereby the goals of a war were determined at the point where negotiations broke off, so that all ensuing military actions really were nothing but a continuation of politics by other means. What is now at stake is something that could, of course, never be a matter for negotiation: the sheer existence of a nation and its people. It is at this point – when war no longer presumes the coexistence of hostile parties as a given and no longer seeks simply to put an end to the conflict between them by force – that war first truly ceases to be a means of politics and, as a war of annihilation, begins to overstep the bounds set by politics and to annihilate politics itself.

The terms “modern state system” and “national state system” apply more accurately to the period after the French Revolution (1789) than to the political system of western Europe evolving in the general direction of modern states during the preceding centuries. During a period of about three centuries (roughly, from 1500 or before to 1750 or 1800), systems of political economy contributing to state development, from time to time and in various areas of Western Europe, had so much in common that they are frequently referred to by economists as the mercantile system or mercantilism. Each of the developing states needed precious metals to serve as reserves for war, to finance the king and his court, and to establish generalized money economies, central tax systems, and other national institutions. For this reason types of economic policy that developed in a number of states were designed to encourage an excess of merchandise exports, to be paid for in specie. This kind of policy was advocated, for example, by Thomas Mun and Sir Joseph Child, British economists of the early seventeenth century. Policy to achieve the foregoing ends took the form of complicated trade restrictive systems involving import tariffs, export bounties, and related regulations.

(Brutally murdered in April 1937 at Addis Ababa by the Italians)

[…] My conversion to the importance of the Woman Question was, as I have said, the work of “Women and Economics”; and I was thus converted by Mrs. Stetson’s unpretending little book, because in it the rights and wrongs of Femina, das Weib, were not merely opposed to the rights and wrongs of Vir, der Mann, but subordinated to those of what is, after all, a bigger item of creation: Homo, der Mensch.

There is in this postwar era a lowering or the attempt at a lowering of the barriers that exist between countries. Will the various frontiers, custom duties, prejudices, cultural mores, religion, and languages allow this project to be realized? We want to hope for this, those of us who note at the same time the birth of a movement not at all opposed to this first one. Blacks of all origins, of different nationalities, mores, and religions vaguely feel that in spite of everything they belong to one and the same race. Previously the more assimilated blacks looked down arrogantly upon their colored brethren, believing themselves surely of a different species than they; on the other hand, certain blacks who had never left African soil to be led into slavery looked down upon as so many base swine those who at the whim of whites had been enslaved, then freed, then molded into the white man’s image.

The foreign policy of any modern state devolves from implied or explicit references to strategic, economic, and ideological considerations, and aims at the preservation and furtherance of the national interest. But the conceptual sources and political definitions of the national interest vary from country to country, as do the meanings and emphases given to the factors that influence its determination. The Indian government has been less outspoken than most other governments in defining the national interest in strategic terms, but even a cursory glance at India’s northern boundary will convince an observer that considerations of military security must be a primary concern in New Delhi. This impression is borne out by the actual measures that have been taken in order to repress the revolts of the Naga Hostiles and to keep the peace in Bhutan, Sikkim, and Assam, and by the obvious and understandable, but not openly admitted, Indian interest in controlling the strategically vital valley of Kashmir.

DURING the nineteenth century two great economic forces were at work in the world – English invention, which for the first time gave man a control over nature, and the French conception of economic liberty which followed on the French Revolution.

But when on hearing of my own appointment I gave further thought to my doubts and hesitations, I found that they did not spring entirely from a fitting modesty. I was appalled by the amount of history that goes on, by the sheer weight of knowledge that is accumulated from day to day, by the books that I would have to read; worse still by the books which I might be expected to write. In this lamentable state, my mind echoed the cri de Coeur of Linklater’s disreputable Italian count, “I don’t want books stuffed full of the world’s calamities – give me one book about a man who strangled his mistress with her hair on a dark night”.

THE HISTORY OF LIFE on earth has been a history of interaction between living things and their surroundings. To a large extent, the physical form and the habits of the earth’s vegetation and its animal life have been molded by the environment. Considering the whole span of earthly time, the opposite effect, in which life actually modifies its surroundings, has been relatively slight. Only within the moment of time represented by the present century has one species – man – acquired significant power to alter the nature of his world.

Public opinion is a new compelling political force which has come into the world since the Middle Ages. In fact, it is a development of the last century; before the French Revolution nothing of the kind was known or dreamed of in Europe. This new force in political life may be divided into two types. One is the popular belief in the fitness or rightness of something, a belief that certain lines of conduct should be followed or a certain opinion held by good citizens or right-thinking persons. This is what Mr. Balfour calls “climate.” Such a belief does not impose any duty on anybody beyond outward conformity to the accepted standard. But public opinion in the true sense is a consensus among large bodies of persons which acts as a political force, imposing on those in authority certain enactments or certain lines of policy.

Colored students – far from being avoided and shunned in Britain – are often sought out by people who are particularly interested in their welfare. These people may have some knowledge of India or the colonies, may be particularly concerned about race relations from a religious or political point of view, or may see the lonely colored student as a willing disciple for their brand of political or religious truth. The results of such concern are not always those which the philanthropists would wish them to be.

You ask what is meant by the domestic problem. It is that peculiar condition under which women are living and laboring without the knowledge of the secrets of thrift, or of true scientific methods in which the mind has been awakened, and hands made capable thereby to give the most efficient services. It is a condition of indifference on the part of our working women as to their needs to how we may so dignify labor that our services may become indispensable on the one hand and Negro sentiment will cease to array itself against the “working girls” on the other hand. It is a question as to how we may receive for our services compensation commensurate with the work done. The solution of this problem will be the prime factor in the salvation of Negro womanhood, whose salvation must be attained before the so-called race problem can be solved.

Collective mentality can no more be reached directly than can individual mind. By their fruits ye shall know them. Behaviour, conduct, expression, action – it is these which must be weighed, as signs and symptoms of mental states.

This chapter aims to establish the deep dependence of cybersecurity on information sharing (IS) as a critical tool for enabling cyber peace. IS on cyber threats and their mitigation constitutes a best practice within many domestic regulatory regimes and is often defined as a confidence-building measure, or CBM, in key international regulatory initiatives. Moreover, implementation of IS as a voluntary or recommended best practice or CBM – rather than as a mandated regulatory requirement – has the dual advantage of bypassing the legal challenges of enforcement at the national level; and, internationally, of achieving formal multistakeholder agreement on cyber norms. The difficulties of such normative barriers are characteristic of the contemporary cyber lay of the land, awaiting resolution until binding cyber norms can be effectively incorporated into both domestic and international legal regimes. The chapter emphasizes that a critical condition for IS specifically, as well as for cyber peace in general, is the establishment of trust among diverse stakeholders, best undertaken through polycentric regulation.

Would I, even if I were a Buddhist, be willing to see Christ die out altogether from the hearts of men? Would I be willing to have men forget that He ever lived, forget His words, imperfectly as they are given to us? Even though it is proved in some future time that there never lived an actual Christ and what we think of as Christ should some day be found to be the essence of men’s dreams of simplest and most beautiful goodness, would I be willing to have that personification of dreams pass out of men’s minds?