After having viewed the immigration situation in the seven countries selected for this study, the question naturally arises whether there are observable in these countries any common aims. One express determination does seem to be present in all, and that is to admit only such immigrants as will cause no permanent impairment of the national standards of living. Each country has its own aims and ambitions for the future, which have been derived from the type of people who first developed its resources, or from those whom each nation calls the native-born. This really means those groups who relatively early succeeded to places of importance. It is thus that Nordics prevail in one nation, and Alpines or Mediterraneans in another, and each values most its own distinctive characteristics. Besides this, for varying reasons, there is likely to be found in each country preferential alignment with certain other racial or national groups. For example, the Germans, who are predominantly Nordics, because of occupational adaptability, are desired in Brazil, which is of other basic stock. But such apparent exceptions do not obscure the fact that there has developed a national consciousness and self-appreciation in each nation which makes it openly question the wisdom of admitting into its midst aliens with standards varying widely from its own. The colored races have been the first to come under the ban, with considerable objection against the Orientals. Each nation is certain that it does not want its present character to suffer deterioration by the further admixture of unassimilable groups; and all view with suspicion those races having divergent physical, economic, and religious standards. An English-speaking white man’s civilization seems to be the accepted standard in all but the South American republics where the Latin tongues take first place. Even in Brazil are now indications of a color-line. This much, then, the countries under observation have in common in respect to their immigration policies. The World War having focused attention upon the structural weakness of a nation made up of a polyglot people, greater homogeneity of population has since become the watchword. […]

This chapter explores how shared governance through talent mobilization in the form of a global AI service corps can offset the negative impact of nation-states’ economic competition to develop AGI.

Thus the delegates, taken as a whole, tend to fall into two groups – the insiders and the outsiders. The psychology of these two groups is very different and they must be looked at separately.

It is well to remind ourselves, from time to time, that “Ethics” is but another word for “righteousness,” that for which many men and women of every generation have hungered and thirsted, and without which life becomes meaningless.

Evidence enough that the Anglo-American relationship is a debatable one may be found in the fact that it is debated, even at tedious length. Evidence that it is an alliance in any specific or bilateral sense might be harder to establish. All fifteen of the member-states of NATO, to be sure, are formally allies, and it is no doubt true, though not an officially defensible proposition, that some allies are more allied than others. But the claim that the relationship between Britain and America is of more significance, or better worth examining than, say, that between Norway and Turkey would have to look to other evidence than the formal words of treaties.

Mahan’s master work on sea power, and the subsequent books and essays that streamed from his hurrying pen, had world-wide repercussions on naval development and world politics. Mahan’s interpretation of history excited expansionist forces already stirring in Europe, in America, and in the Far East. His strategic ideas, derived largely from the history of British naval policy and operations, were accepted as precepts from universal application and utility, without qualification as to time and place. And the impact of these ideas was widely felt in accelerated naval development which, inside of two decades, was profoundly to alter the balance of naval power, with political repercussions on every ocean and continent.

THE world spotlight, focused-on the India crisis, has brought about an unprecedented discussion about India. Among anti-fascists, such discussions do not conjure up mental pictures about a “FABULOUS, MYSTERIOUS” India; they do not call up visions of an India which is the “PEARL OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE” – rather such discussions are, in the main, based on viewing India and her nearly 400 million people from the deep life and death relationship which she occupies today. The entire anti-fascist world has been shocked by the reviving of the old whiplash and terror, rule of British colonial rulers and the British Cabinet against the Indian people.

Some of the weaknesses of the Colonial Service arise from conditions which can hardly be changed. Yet it is better to recognize them if only to maintain a constant effort to mitigate their pathological effects upon Native Administration.

This chapter offers an analysis of the multilateral efforts conducted over the past decade to build cyber peace in a context of proliferation of cyber conflicts and exacerbated geopolitical tensions, not to mention the global COVID-19 pandemic that has largely disrupted international meetings. It studies more specifically how international law has been leveraged in UN negotiations to serve strategic objectives.

For historical purposes the nineteenth century may be said to have ended in 1914 with the outbreak of the Great War. The New World came into the fight to “redress the balance of the Old,” and at the close of that vast struggle between highly industrialised modern States, a Peace Conference met in Paris to settle the political and economic problems of half a world, much as Vienna of 1815 had settled the affairs of Europe alone.

The character of society in the West India Islands in the eighteenth century was, in some respects, very similar to that of Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. Their trade was not competitive with that of the mother country; they had a staple product, sugar; their cultivation was carried on by slave labour. But between the society of the West India Islands and that of the southern colonies of North America there were two principal differences: in the West India Islands there was greater disproportion between the negro and the white populations, and amongst the proprietors of the plantations absenteeism was far more rife. These differences made the protection given by the mother country essential to the islands, as preventing not only foreign aggression, but also rebellion at home. The prevalence of absenteeism had also another result. The absentees formed at home a wealthy and influential body of men. In the London West India organizations of the eighteenth century they were an element which can have existed only to a very small degree in the societies connected with the North American colonies. The amalgamation of the West India planters in England with the London merchants trading to the West Indies gave to the society which they formed a strength that enabled it to exert an influence over British politics far greater than that of its contemporaries. And that society has had a continuous life to the present day, through all the economic and political changes through which the West India colonies have passed.

Throughout the history of the modern industry, governments have intervened in a variety of ways to protect or advance what they conceived to be their national economic interests. In the late 1950s and in the 1960s, government policies became of increasing significance for the oil industry in almost all countries. In addition to taxation, governments in the developing countries became more concerned about international prices, foreign exchange receipts and payments, currencies of payment, security of supply, foreign investment, and the location, ownership or control of producing and refining facilities. Most countries can be classed as either primarily consumers of crude oil (and products) or primarily producers of crude oil. […]

THE dream of a Pan-African Congress had already come true in 1919. Yet it was with hearts half-wondering, half fearful that we ventured to realize it afresh in 1921. So tenuous, so delicate had been its beginnings. Had the black world, although once stirred by the terrific rumblings of the Great War, relapsed into its lethargy? Then out of Africa just before it was time to cross the Atlantic came a letter, one of many, but this the most appealing word from the Egyptian Sudan: “Sir: We cannot come but we are sending you this small sum ($17.92), to help toward the expenses of the Pan-African Congress. Oh Sir, we are looking to you for we need help sorely!”

GHANA has a special interest for students of constitutional development. The Gold Coast saw the beginning – in somewhat dramatic circumstances – of the process by which Britain has since undertaken the liquidation of her colonial empire in Africa. The first Leader of Government Business (head of the elected Legislature) was Kwame Nkrumah, a man released some fourteen days earlier from imprisonment for a political offence under the laws of the colonial régime. These circumstances were bound to endow Kwame Nkrumah and the Gold Coast with a special significance for other African territories looking forward to their own independence.

Autumn 1942 – the third anniversary of the declaration of War has come and gone and at this time the thoughts of men and statesmen, particularly in Great Britain and the USA, are focussed not only on the struggle, and on victory over Nazi-Fascism, but on after-the-war reconstruction and a new policy of life for humanity – for the whole of humanity.