This article analyzes whether public investment has crowded out private investment in Bolivia during the 1988–2010 period. The evidence demonstrates that this is generally the case, as public investment has been shown to consistently run counterclockwise to private investment. Interestingly, the quality of the institutional setting and the openness of the economy to trade with other nations do not seem to matter to the relation between public investment and private investment. The findings suggest, however, that increases in domestic credit to the private sector lessen the crowding-out effect, which calls attention to the importance of a stable and healthy financial system as a way to encourage private investment.

This article examines the symbolic transformations and material consequences of an irrigation development project designed to empower indigenous peoples in Cañar, Ecuador. It argues that the project deepened market society and reproduced colonialism more than it empowered indigenous peoples, but indigenous people found ways to appropriate project resources and embed the market in alternative principles of social life. Market society deepened through the neoliberal hegemony of international development policy and through the indigenous movement's incorporation of market rationalities. Colonialism recurred through hierarchical representations of knowledge and skills reminiscent of long-standing stereotypes of natives, which local indigenous leaders internalized. Both processes unfolded through constructions of value and acts of evaluation. The gap between the market ideal communicated in the irrigation development project and the conditions of actually existing markets that local indigenous people engaged after project closure limited the concrete empowerment of indigenous peoples.

This article takes issue with influential views in Brazil that depict the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST), the largest popular movement in this country, as a threat to democracy. Contrary to these assessments, it argues that a sober review of the MST's actual practice shows that it is far from an antistate or antidemocratic organization. Quite to the contrary, the MST demands that the state play an active part in reducing the nation's stark social inequities through the institution of an inclusive model of development. The MST's contentious edge has contributed to Brazil's ongoing democratization process by (1) highlighting the role of public activism in building political capabilities among the poor and catalyzing downward redistribution policies; (2) facilitating the extension of basic citizenship rights, broadening the scope of the public agenda, and strengthening civil society through the inclusion of groups representing the most vulnerable strata of the population; and (3) fostering a sense of hope and utopia through the affirmation of ideals imbued in Brazil's long-term, complex, and open-ended democratization process.

Who benefits and who loses during redistribution under dictatorship? This article argues that expropriating powerful preexisting economic elites can serve to demonstrate a dictator or junta's loyalty to their launching organization while destroying elite rivals out of government that could potentially threaten the dictator's survival Expropriation also provides resources for buying the support of key nonelite groups that could otherwise organize destabilizing resistance. An analysis of the universe of fifteen thousand land expropriations under military rule in Peru from 1968 to 1980 demonstrates the plausibility of this argument as a case of redistributive military rule that destroyed traditional elites and empowered the military. Land was redistributed to “middle-class” rural laborers who had the greatest capacity to organize antiregime resistance if they were excluded from the reform. This finding directly challenges a core assumption of social conflict theory: that nondemocratic leaders will act as faithful agents of economic elites. A discussion of other modernizing militaries and data on large-scale expropriations of land, natural resources, and banks across Latin America from 1935 to 2008 suggests that the theory generalizes beyond Peru.

This research note provides historical context for the creation of Brazil's labor judiciary and tells the story of an innovative partnership forged between the archive of Pernambuco's regional labor tribunal and the Federal University of Pernambuco. It also engages methodological questions about the use of these labor court cases, reviewing some of the scholarly literature based on these sources and describing some research projects under way. Pernambuco has powerful historical links to the sugarcane industry, and because the history of labor in this industry is the terrain of our work, this note pays particular attention to the relevance of labor court cases for studying Pernambuco's sugarcane region.

This article builds on the literature on property rights and associational life in Latin America during and after transitions to democracy by assessing participation in voluntary associations as a determinant of land title. It uses survey data collected from rural properties near Santarém, Pará, to describe who participates in voluntary associations and, more important, whether participation in specific groups is aligned with possessing secure title, an important scarce resource in the Brazilian Amazon. This quantitative analysis shows that owners who participate in one union with state-controlled, corporatist roots are more likely to possess secure title to their land than those who do not participate. This systematic variation is important in an era of soy expansion, with a shift from small-scale subsistence farming to large-scale mechanized agricultural and a subsequent increase in land value.

Numerous studies on the determinants of foreign direct investment flows in Latin America underscore the importance of risk- and cost-mitigating institutions that support good governance, political and economic freedom, and demonstrate a credible commitment to economic reform by regional governments. This study tests these variables against market size, macroeconomic policy, and factor controls to assess which combinations of variables explain the distribution of foreign inflows. Using a time-series cross-sectional data set of fifteen Latin American economies from 1985 to 2003, the study concludes that past performance on the current account provides sufficient commitment by regional governments and that regime, good governance, and reform variables are, by comparison, inconsistent predictors of foreign direct investment.

Aunque suele plantearse que la relación migración-desarrollo es un fenómeno complejo y multifacético, al final de cuentas el debate ha estado hegemonizado por la visión que los países receptores y organismos internacionales tienen de ella. Según esta perspectiva, la migración adquiere un sentido y significado político diferente según se trate de los países emisores o receptores de migrantes. En el primer caso, la migración es vista como una oportunidad para potenciar sus procesos de desarrollo económico y social. En el caso de los países de destino, en cambio, se habla más bien de una cuestión migratoria, enfocándose el análisis en los problemas sociales, económicos o políticos que plantea la inmigración masiva, máxime cuando se considera la alta proporción de migrantes indocumentados. En este contexto, nos interesa aportar elementos analíticos e información empírica que contribuyan a visibilizar diversos aspectos de la relación migración-desarrollo que han sido invisibilizados en este debate. Para ello, nos centraremos en el análisis de la inmigración latinoamericana a los Estados Unidos en las últimas décadas. En concreto, presentamos datos estadísticos en torno a tres aspectos que nos parecen de particular relevancia. Por un lado, en cuanto a las causas y factores desencadenantes de la migración internacional; por otro lado, en relación a las contribuciones de la inmigración latinoamericana a la economía y demografía de los Estados Unidos; y finalmente, sobre los costos e impactos de la emigración en los países de origen en América Latina.

Declining profitability of agriculture and/or higher prices of forest products and services typically drive an increase in forest cover. This article examines changes in forest cover in Candelaria Loxicha, Mexico. Forest cover increased in the area as a result of coffee cultivation in coffee forest-garden systems. Dependence on forest products and services, and not prices of forest products, drive the process in our study site. Low international coffee prices and high labor demand outside the community might pull farmers out of agriculture, but they do not completely abandon the lands. A diversification in income sources prevents land abandonment and contributes to maintaining rural populations and coffee forest gardens.