Economic development in Latin America has been explained largely in terms of the Economic Commission for Latin America school (ECLA) dominated by Raúl Prebisch. According to this school, “outward orientation” of the periphery, was the key characteristic of Latin America before 1930. The growth pattern was determined by the fortunes of the export sector (including the terms of trade) and its linkages with the developed Center. Since 1930, the massive import substitution policies undertaken by the periphery has led to a new phase of “inward orientation” where the strategic role of promoting growth has been played by the linkage-rich industry. Both growth and inflation have been explained in terms of the institutionalist “structuralist” school which has emphasized bottlenecks related to the land tenure system, market imperfections and deficiencies (both domestic and external), and to a lesser degree to the savings patterns of people (where the demonstration effect, income distribution and the taxation system play pivotal roles).

Desde la creación de la carrera de sociología en 1956, los sociológos—y especialistas afines—han mostrado una particular preferencia por hacer el balance de su propia obra. Siguiendo esa tradición, el Instituto de Sociología de la Universidad de Belgrano se propuso analizar todos los trabajos publicados por los miembros de cuatro de los principales centros de investigación en ciencias sociales de la Argentina: el Instituto de Sociología de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, el Centro de Investigaciones Sociales del Instituto Torcuato Di Tella, el Departamento de Sociología de la Fundación Bariloche y el Centro de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales (CICSO). El equipo, bajo la dirección de Ruth Sautu, esta compuesta por Silvia Blitzer, Emma Galtieri, Ana M. García y Laura Villarruel.

In the open-air markets of Northeast Brazil, folk poets still sell the stories in verse called folhetos or literatura de cordel, which came to Brazil from Portugal almost five centuries ago. Until only about a hundred years ago, most cordel stories found in the Northeast originated either in Portugal or Rio de Janeiro. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, however, Northeastern poets began publishing large numbers of booklets with a distinctly regional flavor. These authors would then suspend their verses along strings for display in local marketplaces, chanting one or another story out loud in an effort to attract potential customers. Although the tales were known to rich and poor alike, the great majority of the poet's customers were always associated with subsistence agriculture. These persons, who were often illiterate, might choose a story on the basis of the poet's oral presentation or an appealing cover illustration. They would then take home their purchases to a friend or relative who would read aloud the tale for the group.

When One Examines the Research and Writing on Spanish Colonial Alabama, 1780-1813, it is possible to conclude that this area has received the least emphasis of all Spanish Borderlands. This is unfortunate because there are tens of thousands of original sources extant. As the director of a University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa research project, which began in 1966, Holmes collected some 20,000 pages of documents from Sevilla and Simancas on microfilm. The so-called “Holmes Collection” has been copied for several libraries in the Southeast, including Alabama, Auburn, Florida, West Florida and Tulane universities. A brief description of the twenty-nine reels appears in Coker and Holmes (1971).

In the Great Struggle for the Mastery of the North American Continent during the second half of the eighteenth century, the major European powers—Britain, France, and Spain—confronted each other on the lower Mississippi and along the Florida frontier. The fate of both East and West Florida was determined by this titanic struggle. Britain emerged from the Seven Years' War as the mightiest nation on earth. Her fleet had captured Havana, and to redeem this valuable port Spain agreed to cede the Floridas.

El Instituto Ibero-Americano de Berlín fue fundado en el año 1930 como centro de enlace científico y cultural, con miras a fomentar la continuación de la expansión socioeconómica de Alemania hacia los países latinoamericanos e ibéricos. Incentiva primordial para este propósito fue la adquisición de una vasta biblioteca particular y un archivo de documentos históricos por intermedio del Ministerio Prusiano de Artes, Ciencias, y Educación Popular. Propietario de esta biblioteca y del archivo fue el argentino Ernesto Quesada (1858-1934). Las partes más antiguas del Fondo, recolectadas por su padre Vicente G. Quesada (1830-1913) a partir de mediados del siglo XIX, pudieron ser completadas y ampliadas constantemente por él mismo. La colección, que en total abarcó unos ochenta y dos mil volúmenes y legajos,1 constituye aún hoy en día, a pesar de las pérdidas sufridas a finales de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, una excelente base documental para investigaciones sobre la historia moderna de la Argentina. Las monografías, revistas y diarios de la antigua Biblioteca Quesada hace muchos años pudieron ser integrados en su totalidad a los fondos bibliotecarios temáticamente clasificados del Instituto Ibero-Americano y, sin haber sufrido mayores pérdidas durante los años de guerra, fue posible conservarlos hasta la fecha. En cambio, aquellas partes del Archivo Quesada que hacia fines de la guerra fueron depositadas en la hacienda Hohenlandin cerca de Angermünde (hoy RDA) fueron presa de la destrucción.2 Para poder precisar más ciertamente la importancia del Fondo Quesada para el historiador, se describirán brevemente en este aporte primero, la biografía de los dos Quesada, y segundo, las existencias que aún se conservan del Archivo Quesada, y las consistentes en diarios de la Argentina y sus países vecinos.

Throughout most of the fifties and sixties many latin american governments adopted Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) as their principal method to achieve economic growth and socio-economic modernization. By the opening of the Seventies, however, there is considerable doubt about ISI's success in solving the region's development problems. In many countries the possibilities for further import-substitution had disappeared. Industrial growth had slowed, job opportunities in industry for Latin America's rapidly growing urban population were scarce, income distribution had in many countries either remained unchanged or had become more concentrated than in the early post-World War II years, and most industrial goods produced within the region were priced so high that export possibilities were severely limited.