There are few examples in the history of Latin American studies of such generally accepted “facts” that were so contradicted by subsequent events as the association of democratic politics with industrial economies. Lipset's (1960) simple comparative study of Latin American nations in which he found a striking positive correlation between the degree of economic development and the extent of democracy in the late 1950s has been upset. The military coup d'état that abolished democracy in Brazil in 1964 turned out to be not a unique event, but the first of a series of military takeovers throughout the most industrialized nations of South America: Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile. For this reason, the study of the demise of electoral politics in Brazil acquires a new significance. And for this reason also, analysts are inclined to attempt explanations in terms of structural causes common to all capitalist nations on the periphery. The purpose of this paper is to examine one set of such explanations: those in which economic conditions play the major role.

The perception of the international economic system as one of industrial center and agrarian periphery, in which the former dominates the latter, has had a tremendous influence in the analysis of underdevelopment; the significance of the idea is impossible to gauge because its acceptance is still expanding. Raúl Prebisch's analytical terms, and the concomitant theory of trade relations, now known as unequal exchange, have been adopted not only by the followers of a dependency theory tradition in Latin America, stemming directly from Prebisch, but also by non-Latin American writers (assuredly, with extensive modifications) such as Arghiri Emmanuel, André Gunder Frank, Immanuel Wallerstein, Johan Galtung, and Samir Amin.

Recent criticism of modern Mexican art has generally ascribed the expressionistic quality of Orozco's oeuvre to international stylistic influences such as German expressionism, postimpressionism and fauvism. These international stylistic affinities are equated with the universal or modern aspect of the mural movement in contrast to its local, Mexican, iconographic and stylistic aspect.

Urbanization and the increasing concentration of population in the major urban centers in Latin America is often conceived as the manifestation of a convergent economic process, that of industrialization (Roberts 1978). Internal cityward migration and natural increase are two dominant contributors to the increase in urbanized population throughout most of Latin America and the Caribbean in the last four decades (Elizaga 1965, Clarke 1974, Davis 1972). In Latin American research, studies of internal migration and urbanization have proliferated, investigating regional origins, migration networks, migrant selectivity, aspects of migrant assimilation in the urban social, economic and political realms, and the character and nature of initial settlement (cf. Morse 1971 for a summary of studies written between 1965–70). By and large, previous research has not fully explored the social and spatial dimensions of the process whereby migrants select initial residential sites and subsequently relocate (exceptions include studies by Brown 1972, Cornelius 1975, Davies and Blood 1974, Vaughn and Feindt 1973, Ward 1976). In short, we know very little about the paths a migrant follows between the time he reaches the city and the time he settles into a secure and stable dwelling environment.

The visitor to Cuba cannot help but be struck by the overpowering presence of José Martí. Indeed, from the moment one arrives at Havana's Aeropuerto ‘José Martí,’ references to Martí are constantly encountered: the drive from the airport to the city center passes by the Biblioteca Nacional ‘José Martí,’ situated in the Plaza de la Revolución, which itself is dominated by an enormous statue of Martí; commemorative monuments and plaques are widely scattered throughout all Cuban cities, while even the smallest rural communities possess at least a bust of Martí; finally, as an illustration of the importance of Martí for the revolutionary leadership, pertinent quotations are continually exhibited at official congresses, and in all major museums of the island. In short, as any tourist soon discovers, Martí's image is projected everywhere: “en alguna medida Cuba es un país en torno a un hombre,” as one critic has correctly noted.

The goal of “health for all by the year 2000” was endorsed by member nations of the World Health Organization (WHO) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) at the International Conference on Primary Health Care, held at Alma Ata, U.S.S.R., in September 1978. The goal of attaining total health care coverage of the population had been agreed upon by the Ministers of Health of the Americas at their III Special Meeting in 1972. Meeting again in 1977, the ministers took stock of the region's accomplishments and remaining shortcomings in preparation for the Alma Ata conference. They concluded that their institutional health care systems, which bear the major responsibility for providing total coverage, had not yet attained this goal; among the reasons mentioned were institutional rigidities that made it difficult to determine and respond to unattended needs for health care, and the financial inaccessibility to large population groups of the institutions providing health services. These problems were compounded by a “significant increase in the cost of medical care … which reduces the resources available for providing universal coverage.”

Hoping to stimulate undergraduate as well as graduate students of the University of Houston and residents of the city to consider critically and constructively our country's relations with Latin America—their knowledge seemed to be limited to a tiny bag of clichés relative to Fidel Castro, military dictatorships, ownership of the Panama Canal, Mexican braceros, etc.—Harvey L. Johnson, professor of Spanish and Portuguese and acting director of Latin American Studies at the University of Houston, arranged a one-day conference on 19 March 1966 that featured two lectures and discussions led by members of the faculty plus a luncheon address, “The Epic Poem of Latin America” by Rafael Squirru, Argentine poet and critic and director of the Cultural Division of the Pan American Union. At a general meeting, the coordinator of the program raised the question about founding a council of Latin American studies for the southwest. Wholehearted support was manifest. In November of the same year, a three-day conference, sponsored by Trinity University, San Antonio, Texas, and coordinated by Richard A. Johnson, its director of Interdisciplinary Area Programs, focused on the subject “The Confluence of the Cultures of the Americas.” Among the speakers were the Honorable Fulton Freeman, United States ambassador to Mexico; Luther H. Evans, director of International Collections at Columbia University; several distinguished professors from various Mexican universities; and Howard F. Cline, director of the Hispanic Foundation. At the close of the conference an informal meeting was convened, with Richard A. Johnson serving as chairman, for the purpose of considering the desirability of establishing in Texas a regional association of Latin American studies. A motion to create it carried, but in the general discussion regarding the implementation of the proposal it was decided to await the outcome of the final decision to be reached at the conference scheduled for April 1967, at the University of Houston. Although the organization was postponed, the group recognized, nevertheless, the need to have a committee appointed to draft a constitution and bylaws prior to the meeting in Houston.

In the past, Iberian bibliography attracted only limited interest in Poland. In his extensive (33 vols.) Bibliografia Polska (1872–1939), Karol Estreicher included a good number of the Iberian titles that existed in Poland through the end of the nineteenth century; some useful cross-references may also be found in Gabriel Korbut's Literatura Polska (1929–31). Representative collections of old Spanish prints (already indexed), along with contemporary Polish translations of Iberian and Latin American works, are located at the National Library in Warsaw, and at the university libraries in Cracow and Warsaw.

This research note is based on data collected from nineteenth-century manuscript census returns for San Antonio, Texas. It is part of a larger project to study the urban family history of four Southwestern towns: Los Angeles, California; Tucson, Arizona; Sante Fe, New Mexico; and San Antonio, Texas. Founded as Spanish pueblos, they were the largest Mexican settlements in the borderlands before the Anglo-American conquest, and they developed into important trading and commercial centers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Moreover, these towns have become important urban magnets for the Spanish-speaking people of the Southwest. Since World War II the barrios of Los Angeles and San Antonio have been especially influential in the cultural and political development of the Chicano movement, yet little is known about the early social history of these ethnic enclaves.

The Institute of International Studies (IIS) of the University of Chile was founded in 1966 by professor Claudio Véliz, with the cooperation of the Royal Institute of International Affairs of London. The IIS has been affected by the changes that have occurred in both the domestic and international contexts, but, despite some temporary crises, the Institute has been able to maintain the generally high level of scholarship and objectivity that typically characterized it. Today, the IIS is a research and teaching center in the field of international relations, covering the political, juridical, economic, social and historical dimensions.

El PEHESA es un programa asociado al Centro de Investigaciones Sociales sobre el Estado y la Administración y que tiene por finalidad impulsar los estudios de historia social y económica. Está integrado por nueve historiadores, tres de los cuales son investigadores de planta del CISEA. Son objetivos del PEHESA estimular investigaciones originales tanto de la Argentina como los estudios comparativos de los países de América Latina. En este sentido no sólo contribuye con sus propios proyectos en marcha, sino también, propicia el intercambio y colaboración con otros investigadores u otros centros académicos que desean realizar estudios en este campo. El PEHESA pretende asegurar la continuidad de las actividades mediante seminarios, reuniones y conferencias sobre temas de esta especialidad, a los que también son invitados investigadores de otras instituciones u organismos. Asimismo ha proyectado la realización de cursos y seminarios para graduados que no han tenido la oportunidad de llevar a cabo este tipo de actividad en otros ámbitos universitarios y científicos. Asimismo es de fundamental interés para el programa mantener vinculaciones con instituciones y personas dedicadas a los estudios sociales en general y a los problemas históricos en especial, tanto del país como del exterior, a fin de mantener un intercambio rico y vivaz, indispensable para desarrollar todas las inquietudes intelectuales y crear vínculos sólidos y permanentes.

La Villa de San Felipe de Austria de Oruro, hoy ciudad de Oruro, situada en el altiplano boliviano, fue el segundo centro minero de plata en el Alto Perú. Fundada oficialmente en 1606 tuvo su apogeo en ese mismo siglo XVII, acompanando a Potosí en la crisis minera del siglo siguiente. En 1781 ocurrió en ella una sangrienta rebelión en la cual estuvieron involucrados importantes mineros y comerciantes de la villa. Entonces vivían en ella 8,000 criollos y 50 españoles mientras que en el siglo anterior debe de haber alcanzado la cifra de 40,000 habitantes.

Desde la creación de la carrera de sociología en 1956, los sociológos—y especialistas afines—han mostrado una particular preferencia por hacer el balance de su propia obra. Siguiendo esa tradición, el Instituto de Sociología de la Universidad de Belgrano se propuso analizar todos los trabajos publicados por los miembros de cuatro de los principales centros de investigación en ciencias sociales de la Argentina: el Instituto de Sociología de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, el Centro de Investigaciones Sociales del Instituto Torcuato Di Tella, el Departamento de Sociología de la Fundación Bariloche y el Centro de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales (CICSO). El equipo, bajo la dirección de Ruth Sautu, esta compuesta por Silvia Blitzer, Emma Galtieri, Ana M. García y Laura Villarruel.

El Centro de Investigaciones Sociales (CIS) es una institución privada, independiente con personería jurídica propia reconocida por el estado boliviano sin fines de lucro, eminentemente apolítica y no discriminatoria. CIS es una institución dedicada al estudio de los factores y condiciones que influencian los modos de vida y la problemática social del país. CIS trabaja, en la orientación, reflexión asistencia técnica, extensión e investigación en las varias areas de las ciencias sociales. La investigación es una actividad vital para el desarrollo, porque el conocimiento sistematizado de la realidad social contribuye al desarrollo armónico entre el individuo, su cultura y los procesos socio-económicos. La preservación de la cultura boliviana como fuente de una ciencia propia, inspirada y sostenida por sus propios valores es el principio axiológico fundamental en las actividades del centro.