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The concept of a ‘crisis’ was omnipresent in the period of economic depression in the 1930s. What is more, the agricultural crisis was part of a never previously experienced despair in Europe and the whole of the Western world. Historians have extensively researched the crisis in agriculture, however, without reflecting on the consequences of the use of the concept and the discourse related to it. In this article – inspired by refreshing historical research on parliamentary practices – I investigate the language and figures of speech used in the Belgian Parliament to frame the agricultural question in a particular way. The case of Belgium is unique because farmers’ associations were well represented in parliament, in spite of the declining importance of agriculture in the active population and national economy. Since 1840 onwards, Belgian governments had embraced free trade and pursued an economic policy with little or no trade obstructions, dictated by the interests of the export industry. The depression of the 1930s urged a re-evaluation of the relationship between the state and the economy, which extended to agriculture. The Belgian free trade tradition – already exceptionally abandoned during and immediately after the Great War to cope with food scarcity – seemed to crumble during the interwar period as farmers’ associations asked for protectionist measures from 1929 onwards. This article contributes to our understanding of this paradigm shift from free trade towards agricultural protectionism. Furthermore, it gives an insight into the complexity of the interest groups campaigning for agricultural protectionism and using specific metaphors and discourse to influence politics.
New roads and, later, railways were essential for the modernisation and rapid economic development of north-western Italy in the early nineteenth century. The new routes also encouraged an increasing number of foreign travellers to visit the region. They opened up fresh tracts of countryside and provided novel viewpoints and points of interest; many travellers took the opportunity to record these views with topographical drawings and watercolours. In this article we make use of some of these views to examine how the modernised transport routes released new places to be celebrated by tourists and became themselves features and objects of especial interest and comment. We examine the works of three artists, one English and two Italian, who depicted landscapes of contrasting rural Ligurian landscapes. Their drawings and prints are contextualised and interpreted with maps, field data, archival documents and contemporary descriptions of roads and railways by travellers and in guidebooks.
The emergence of factor markets during the transition from the Middle Ages to the early modern period was of crucial importance for long-term economic development. Despite Flanders and Brabant being situated in one of the most densely urbanised regions within Europe at the time, the current historiographical debate lacks a quantitative analysis of the market for land in the late medieval and early modern Low Countries. This article focuses on the transmission of rural property in the southern Low Countries from the 1400s up until the end of the eighteenth century. Using time-series data on the rural land market for a selection of case studies within Inland Flanders and Brabant has enabled me to present a long-run analysis of the changes in the market value of land, the market activity and the overall nature of the rural peasant land market. My findings show a tendency towards fewer but larger holdings being transferred on the land market. The path-dependent nature of this process had a significant impact upon the changing proto-capitalistic nature of agriculture within the southern Low Countries. As per capita market activity declined and the average transfer size increased, the farmers’ dependency on the lease market grew effectively speeding up the pauperisation processes in Inland Flanders.
Chapter 4 picks up the themes floated in Chapter 1 and applies them to the urban context. It begins with the interest in childhood among European nation-states from the middle of the eighteenth century onwards, provoked by awareness of their high infant mortality rates. The start of national systems of education in certain countries was a symptom of this concern, influencing the boundaries of childhood with its age-graded system of classes. The Enlightenment thinkers of the eighteenth century were influential on thoughts on the nature of the child, bringing a more secular approach to childhood than in the past. Two key works stand out here: Some Thoughts Concerning Education, by John Locke, and Emile, by Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The Romantic movement that followed went further in seeing a spiritual wisdom to the child, lacking in adults. Finally, the chapter documents the growing perception that childhood was an important stage in life, with a number of famous authors writing books entirely devoted to their own early years.
Chapter 6 takes the reader to the 'lower depths': the experiences of working-class children in the challenging conditions of nineteenth-century towns. To begin with, it documents the generally high levels of infant mortality, and the conditions that explain them. Secondly, it considers the continuation of certain harmful practices for infants, in the form of infanticide, abandonment and wet-nursing. Thirdly, it assesses family life among the working classes, frequently maligned by middle-class observers unsympathetic to its difficult circumstances. Finally it looks at child welfare in the towns, noting the recent tendency among historians to re-evaluate philanthropy and emphasizing the co-operation between charities and state institutions. This section is organized under the headings of measures for the so-called deserving and undeserving poor.
Chapter 3 considers children's work and efforts to 'civilise' the peasantry via the schools and the churches. It begins with the various tasks customarily given to children on the farms, and the advantages and disadvantages associated with them. In particular it singles out the campaigns against employing children in agricultural gangs in various parts of Europe. It also has a section devoted to proto-industrialisation and its impact on children. It then turns to education and religion in villages. It mentions the efforts by the Reformation and Counter-Reformation to improve religious observance, and the long struggle to impose elementary schooling. It ends with an assessment of these reform movements in the different parts of Europe, based on literacy rates, the often bruising experience of schooling and the unorthodox nature of popular religion in the villages.
Chapter 1 provides an analysis of ideas about childhood in rural society. It begins with the boundaries of childhood, assuming that there was no single inititiation rite but a series of partial transitions from childhood through youth to adulthood. These included leaving home, gaining experience at work, Confirmation or First Communion, and finally getting married in the mid to late twenties. Secondly it looks at conceptions of childhood, notably those provided by Christianity, such as the notion of the evil child, tainted by original sin. Finally, it assesses the significance of childhood in societies where schooling was of limited significance and an early start to work the norm. It concludes by noting the framework for supporting the young through the early stages of life.
Chapter 7 opens with preliminary considerations on new views concerning the Industrial Revolution and their implications for child labour in industry. There follows a substantial section on child labour in the factories, with particular attention to the children employed in the cotton mills (including pauper apprentices), and the role of child workers in industrialisation. There is also discussion of child employment in the smaller workshops, and of the first signs of the decline of child labour in industry. The chapter then moves on to debates over the influence of organised religion, and challenges to the general assumption of dechristianisation. Finally, it examines working-class attitudes to education during the early stages of industrialisation, and efforts to encourage mass education.
The introduction establishes the background, purpose and scope of the book. It begins by noting how slow historians were to take an interest in childhood, being content for most of the twentieth century to leave it to psychologists. This all began to change during the 1960s, leading to the 'new social studies of childhood' during the late twentieth century. Historians reflected this newfound interest, affecting both the cultural history of childhood and the social history of children. The introduction ends with an outline of the underlying argument in the book, and details of its periodisation, its geographical coverage and understanding of the term childhood.