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The emergence of factor markets during the transition from the Middle Ages to the early modern period was of crucial importance for long-term economic development. Despite Flanders and Brabant being situated in one of the most densely urbanised regions within Europe at the time, the current historiographical debate lacks a quantitative analysis of the market for land in the late medieval and early modern Low Countries. This article focuses on the transmission of rural property in the southern Low Countries from the 1400s up until the end of the eighteenth century. Using time-series data on the rural land market for a selection of case studies within Inland Flanders and Brabant has enabled me to present a long-run analysis of the changes in the market value of land, the market activity and the overall nature of the rural peasant land market. My findings show a tendency towards fewer but larger holdings being transferred on the land market. The path-dependent nature of this process had a significant impact upon the changing proto-capitalistic nature of agriculture within the southern Low Countries. As per capita market activity declined and the average transfer size increased, the farmers’ dependency on the lease market grew effectively speeding up the pauperisation processes in Inland Flanders.
Chapter 4 picks up the themes floated in Chapter 1 and applies them to the urban context. It begins with the interest in childhood among European nation-states from the middle of the eighteenth century onwards, provoked by awareness of their high infant mortality rates. The start of national systems of education in certain countries was a symptom of this concern, influencing the boundaries of childhood with its age-graded system of classes. The Enlightenment thinkers of the eighteenth century were influential on thoughts on the nature of the child, bringing a more secular approach to childhood than in the past. Two key works stand out here: Some Thoughts Concerning Education, by John Locke, and Emile, by Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The Romantic movement that followed went further in seeing a spiritual wisdom to the child, lacking in adults. Finally, the chapter documents the growing perception that childhood was an important stage in life, with a number of famous authors writing books entirely devoted to their own early years.
Chapter 6 takes the reader to the 'lower depths': the experiences of working-class children in the challenging conditions of nineteenth-century towns. To begin with, it documents the generally high levels of infant mortality, and the conditions that explain them. Secondly, it considers the continuation of certain harmful practices for infants, in the form of infanticide, abandonment and wet-nursing. Thirdly, it assesses family life among the working classes, frequently maligned by middle-class observers unsympathetic to its difficult circumstances. Finally it looks at child welfare in the towns, noting the recent tendency among historians to re-evaluate philanthropy and emphasizing the co-operation between charities and state institutions. This section is organized under the headings of measures for the so-called deserving and undeserving poor.
Chapter 3 considers children's work and efforts to 'civilise' the peasantry via the schools and the churches. It begins with the various tasks customarily given to children on the farms, and the advantages and disadvantages associated with them. In particular it singles out the campaigns against employing children in agricultural gangs in various parts of Europe. It also has a section devoted to proto-industrialisation and its impact on children. It then turns to education and religion in villages. It mentions the efforts by the Reformation and Counter-Reformation to improve religious observance, and the long struggle to impose elementary schooling. It ends with an assessment of these reform movements in the different parts of Europe, based on literacy rates, the often bruising experience of schooling and the unorthodox nature of popular religion in the villages.
Chapter 1 provides an analysis of ideas about childhood in rural society. It begins with the boundaries of childhood, assuming that there was no single inititiation rite but a series of partial transitions from childhood through youth to adulthood. These included leaving home, gaining experience at work, Confirmation or First Communion, and finally getting married in the mid to late twenties. Secondly it looks at conceptions of childhood, notably those provided by Christianity, such as the notion of the evil child, tainted by original sin. Finally, it assesses the significance of childhood in societies where schooling was of limited significance and an early start to work the norm. It concludes by noting the framework for supporting the young through the early stages of life.
Chapter 7 opens with preliminary considerations on new views concerning the Industrial Revolution and their implications for child labour in industry. There follows a substantial section on child labour in the factories, with particular attention to the children employed in the cotton mills (including pauper apprentices), and the role of child workers in industrialisation. There is also discussion of child employment in the smaller workshops, and of the first signs of the decline of child labour in industry. The chapter then moves on to debates over the influence of organised religion, and challenges to the general assumption of dechristianisation. Finally, it examines working-class attitudes to education during the early stages of industrialisation, and efforts to encourage mass education.
The introduction establishes the background, purpose and scope of the book. It begins by noting how slow historians were to take an interest in childhood, being content for most of the twentieth century to leave it to psychologists. This all began to change during the 1960s, leading to the 'new social studies of childhood' during the late twentieth century. Historians reflected this newfound interest, affecting both the cultural history of childhood and the social history of children. The introduction ends with an outline of the underlying argument in the book, and details of its periodisation, its geographical coverage and understanding of the term childhood.
Chapters 5 and 6 examine the experience of growing up in the towns, contrasted with the rural upbringing outlined in chapter 2. Chapter 5 starts by examining the content of advice manuals for child-rearing, and their general message that parent-child relations should be affectionate, with a shift in emphasis from the father's to the mother's role. The second part discusses child-rearing among the aristocracy, with its privileged but none-too-easy path to adulthood. The third section turns to the middle classes, highlighting their ideal of non-working mothers, emphasis on domesticity and concern for education. It also outlines material conditions for middle-class children and the advantages and disadvantages of their approach to child-rearing.
Chapter 10 continues the experience of growing up from the previous chapter, focusing on some of the advantages and disadvantages for children of living in an affluent urban-industrial society. An opening section sets the socio-economic context of economic growth, a rising standard of living and persisting inequalities. A section on child health charts the generally positive influence of affluence on declining infant and child mortality, and the retreat of debilitating illness for the young, marred only by some 'diseases of affluence' such as obesity and tooth decay. The second section continues with similarly positive improvements in the material conditions of the young, in terms of food and housing. There was also an increased availability of consumer goods, leading to some debate on whether this was a mixed blessing. Finally, there is discussion of a major blight on the twentieth-century childhood: two world wars. It examines the way children were prepared for war in schools and youth organizations, the experiences of a small number of child soldiers, and the huge upheavals brought by the displacement of children, with mass evacuations and expulsions.
Chapter 8 returns to the conceptualisation of childhood, discussed earlier in chapters 1 and 4. It begins by noting the association of childhood with schooling during the twentieth century, and in particular the influence of the school system's age-grading of classes. As in the past, though, the boundaries of childhood remain elusive, with schools, the legal system and stages of growth providing different answers. The second section emphasises the growing influence of scientists and social scientists on understandings of the nature of the child. It considers the Child Study Movement of the period 1890–1914, and the subsequent emergence of developmental psychology during the twentieth century.This section also assesses the 'death of childhood' thesis, associated with Neil Postman. Finally, the chapter documents the growing significance of childhood during the twentieth century, under the influence of such authorities as Ellen Key, Sigmund Freud and John Bowlby. There is also a survey of the children's rights movement, from its origins in the social legislation of the late nineteenth century to the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child.