El estudio del parentesco permite comprender mejor las sociedades antiguas porque está relacionado con el comportamiento social, económico, político y reproductivo de la población. Es posible conocer la magnitud de la endogamia y hacer inferencias sobre la movilidad de ambos sexos. Una mayor similitud genética promedio dentro de muestras femeninas sugiere mayor migración masculina (modelo de residencia posmarital matrilocal). A la inversa se deduce un modelo de residencia patrilocal y si no hay diferencias se infiere un modelo bilocal. Nuestro objetivo es conocer la divergencia genética entre grupos incas del altiplano del noroeste de Cusco utilizando caracteres cuantitativos del cráneo para estimar el parentesco, el número de migrantes por generación y el patrón de residencia posmarital. Los restos óseos empleados (99 cráneos masculinos y 75 femeninos) proviene de los sitios Paucarcancha, Patallacta y Torontoy. Se aplicaron técnicas de análisis multivariado y modelos derivados de la genética de poblaciones. Existen diferencias morfológicas entre los sitios a pesar de la escasa distancia geográfica. La divergencia genética fue de 0,035 (siete individuos migrantes por generación). La varianza dentro de grupos es similar en ambos sexos (modelo posmarital bilocal). Se discute la evidencia obtenida con otras localidades y subregiones del Área Andina Centro Meridional.

The distribution and hybridization of ceramic vessels provide insights into how local elites and imperial officials navigated imperial expansion. This article presents data on ceramic sherds from the sites of La Centinela and Las Huacas in the Chincha Valley that date to the period of Inca occupation (AD 1400–1532). In Chincha, the Inca established a style of joint rule in which Inca and local authority were closely aligned. The ceramic data demonstrate that Inca imperial designs and diagnostic shapes were most numerous in contexts associated with direct Inca presence and that the types of vessels and designs that elites used to develop their authority differed among the contexts: hybrid material culture thus varied throughout the Chincha Valley. These different hybrid material cultures include state-sponsored hybrid wares (Inca vessels, on which the Inca intentionally integrated Chincha designs) and local vessel shapes on which elites used Inca symbols and vessel shapes to assert their status to a mostly local audience.

Hydraulic mills were introduced in the early colonial period in the Americas to grind wheat into flour. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the rise of the agro-export model in Latin America shaped the development of a flour industry in which water-powered mills played a central role. Over time, these technologies were used not only to increase production for the export market but also to meet the needs of domestic consumption, both local and regional. In this context, in 2017 we began to investigate the characteristics of a hydraulic mill, currently in disuse, in the town of Payogasta in the province of Salta (Argentina), to determine its chronology and functionality. In addition to surveying the structure, we conducted excavations in the nearby rooms that were part of the site. We found that this mill was in operation between the end of the nineteenth and the end of the twentieth centuries, grinding wheat, corn, carob, and red bell pepper, and that the adjoining rooms were used to house the people who were waiting their turn to grind their raw materials.

The nineteenth century was a dynamic period for hacienda workers on the south coast of Peru. Former Jesuit vineyards with two of the largest enslaved African-descended populations in rural coastal Peru—the haciendas of San Joseph (San José) and San Francisco Xavier (San Javier)—and their annexes in Nasca's Ingenio Valley underwent dramatic transformations with the replacement of their grapevines with cotton and the introduction of new types of workers. Cantonese indentured workers were contracted beginning in the 1830s, and the majority-enslaved workforce was legally emancipated in 1854. Seasonally, highland Andean workers joined the demographically shifting permanent hacienda population. We use evidence from excavated midden contexts at San Joseph, San Xavier, and San Joseph's annex of Hacienda La Ventilla to explore these changing agroindustrial dynamics and worker well-being in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Despite the transformations at the estates, we find that culinary practices developed by enslaved Africans and their descendants during the Jesuit administration, such as the preparation of one-pot meals and stews, continued into the republican era among Cantonese indentured laborers and wage workers of Indigenous, mestizo, and Cantonese origins. We argue that such strategies centered on foodways were a crucial aspect of worker self-care regimes and broader well-being.

Coccidioidomycosis is an infectious fungal disease endemic in Bolivia's Gran Chaco region that is caused by inspiration of the spores of Coccidiodes species. It is a respiratory pathology that can spread to the skeleton and produce diffuse lytic lesions in different parts of the body. This disease has rarely been described in historic populations, and we present here a new case of coccidioidomycosis in a mummified human individual. It corresponds to a female individual with an age at death of 25–35 years, dated to the Tiwanaku epoch of the thirteenth century AD. It was found inside a sepulchral cave near the city of Ulloma in western Bolivia. Radiographic examination shows numerous osseous lytic lesions with central cavitation concentrated on the cranial table and vertebral bodies. The observed condition could correspond to the secondary phase of coccidioidomycosis. This diagnosis is noteworthy because coccidioidomycosis was mainly described as a male work-related disease and has never been found in ancient western Bolivia.

El área de Laguna del Diamante (3.000 m snm) tiene una oferta de recursos atractiva para las sociedades humanas durante los últimos 2.000 años. Este trabajo evalúa la variable intensidad en la ocupación humana en Laguna del Diamante en cinco segmentos temporales entre 2030 y 440 años cal aP. Estos segmentos se modelaron a partir de 14 fechados radiocarbónicos procedentes de tres sitios; la densidad de lascas proximales se evalúa como proxy de intensidad de ocupación. Se comparan los pulsos registrados arqueológicamente con la variabilidad ambiental vinculada a aumento/disminución de temperatura y humedad, de los últimos milenios en tres lagunas: Aculeo, Chepical y del Maule (33°-35°S). A partir de diversos indicadores —cobertura vegetal, extensión/disminución de la cubierta de hielo, cambios de la precipitación relacionados al sistema de vientos del oeste y su variabilidad debido a El Niño Oscilación del Sur— se observó en casi toda la secuencia una asociación positiva entre condiciones favorables y ocupaciones intensas. Se discute el registro de dos pulsos de mayor intensidad: entre 1200 y 1280 años cal aP, asociado con aumento de temperatura de verano e intensificación de precipitaciones; y entre 450 y 500 años cal aP, vinculado con condiciones frías y coincidente con la presencia incaica en el área.

Este trabajo busca conocer las estrategias tecnológicas, los rangos de acción y la conectividad en las estrategias humanas de ambientes marginales. Se discute, para el caso del sur de Mendoza, el modelo clásico de trashumancia cazadora recolectora entre tierras bajas y altas. El estudio se centra específicamente en El Payén y en el uso de la obsidiana andina Laguna del Maule. En El Payén, esta obsidiana ocupa el primer lugar entre las variedades conocidas y su uso se vinculó a circuitos de movilidad estacional que involucraban tierras bajas y altas. La obsidiana Laguna del Maule posee dos subtipos geoquímicos, el Subtipo 1 registrado en cordillera, y el Subtipo 2 localizado en depósitos fluviales distales. En este trabajo modelamos las estrategias de interacción de tierras altas con tierras bajas, enfocándonos en modelos propuestos para La Payunia, que ponen énfasis en la tecnología lítica y se articulan con análisis geoquímicos y geoarqueológicos. Los resultados sostienen que las poblaciones de El Payén obtenían este recurso mediante distintas estrategias tecnológicas: un aprovisionamiento serial del Subtipo 2, con circuitos de movilidad centrados en tierras bajas; diferente al Subtipo 1 de aprovisionamiento cíclico, que habría involucrado la interacción entre tierras altas y tierras bajas.

Ceramics play a central role in the debates around the relationship between the Viru and the Moche. A recent model considers Negative and Moche-decorated ceramics produced by potters affiliated with the elites to be the cultural markers of the Viru and Moche populations, respectively. Due to the similarity of Viru and Moche plain-wares and the presence of Castillo Decorated ceramics in Viru and Moche contexts, this model sees both types of ceramics as domestic traditions, produced by independent potters and sharing a common technique. The research we present here supports this recent model by reconsidering the social and cultural meaning associated with these ceramic types: it uses a novel approach for South America of reconstructing the chaîne opératoire by studying the traces visible on ceramics at a macroscopic and microscopic scale. The study demonstrates how these potters used their own traditions to produce decorated and undecorated ceramics. Furthermore, we found that Castillo Decorated is a type produced only by Viru potters, and we argue that its presence in Moche contexts is evidence of the numerous exchanges maintained by these two populations.

We examined stable isotopes (δ13C, δ15N, and δ34S) of camelid, cavid, and cervid remains from Upanca, an archaeological site located in the Southern Nasca Region on the south coast of Peru. Occupation at the site began in the Middle Archaic (around 3200–3000 BC) and continued through the Nasca period (AD 100–650). Remains predating 2500 BC show low δ13C and δ15N values, whereas remains after this time show increasing and especially more variable isotopic values. We interpret this pattern as marking both a process of agricultural intensification and camelid husbandry diversification. Agricultural intensification began first with C3 plants in fertilized fields, beginning around 2200 cal BC, followed by an increasing use of C4 plants (maize, kiwicha, or both), particularly after 800 cal BC. By the beginning of the first millennium, people were using a diverse range of strategies to raise llamas and alpacas, including feeding them wild or cultivated C3 plants, feeding them cultivated C4 plant foods, mixing C3 and C4 plant foods, foddering some in natural coastal environments, and acquiring still other camelids by hunting wild stocks (guanaco, vicuña). Data also suggest that cavids were consuming at least some C4 products after 1000 cal BC and that the use of C4 plants increased over time.

The Lomas Entierros archaeological site provides a case study of domestic activities in two socioeconomic sectors. Located in Central Pacific Costa Rica, it was a primary center and important node for the exchange of goods throughout the region. In this article, we characterize and compare the domestic and socioeconomic activities at two structures from different sectors of the site through the analysis of micro-remains, chemical residues (phosphates, carbonates, pH, carbohydrates, protein residues, and fatty acids), and starch grains. Our findings show that differences between the two structures were determined both by their function and the socioeconomic status of their occupants. Structure 13, in the elite sector, presents a richer dataset that suggests the cooking of plants and mollusks in the interior of the dwelling. Structure 44, in the intermediate-status sector, has a lower diversity and density of remains, suggesting very low use that may result from its role as a storage space. This article provides a nuanced methodology for the study of domestic spaces in tropical areas.

The typological, technological, and use-wear analyses of obsidian artifacts from Terminal Classic Pook's Hill (AD 830–950+) provide opportunities to better reconstruct socioeconomic activities in this plazuela group, including long-distance trade, tool production, subsistence practices, domestic tasks, and the organization of craft production. Based on visual sourcing, most of the obsidian originated from highland Guatemala, specifically El Chayal. The majority of obsidian artifacts were prismatic blades, although both casual and bipolar reduction of blade cores and the recycling of blades from earlier occupations occurred at the site. Use-wear analysis reveals that obsidian tools were mainly used for subsistence and domestic household activities; however, the concentrations of tools with specific wear patterns (bone, ceramic, plants, and shell) at some locations in the plazuela provide evidence for local craft production among the population. Further support for craft production is provided by comparable use-wear on chert/chalcedony tools from these same locations. The products of low-level craft production were used within Pook's Hill itself and may have been distributed to neighboring communities within the Roaring Creek and Upper Belize River Valleys. Despite the sociopolitical and socioeconomic disruptions to lifeways that accompanied the Terminal Classic period, the Pook's Hill Maya seem to have experienced minimal upheaval in their daily lives and continued local low-level craft production. However, one important change in the Terminal Classic appears to be the increased difficulty in obtaining obsidian at Pook's Hill and the growing need for tool recycling and raw material conservation.

This article analyzes the assemblages of humans and other-than-humans that animated the sacred landscape of Cerro de la Virgen, a hilltop site occupied during the Formative period (1800 BC–AD 250) in the lower Río Verde Valley of coastal Oaxaca, Mexico. Commensalism in the region increased markedly in scope and complexity throughout the Formative period, culminating in the region's first polity at AD 100. Feasting practices became relatively standardized, but the placement of objects and bodies in public architecture—a set of collective practices associated with the vital forces that animated the cosmos—varied considerably from site to site during the late Terminal Formative period (150 BC–AD 250). Lower Verde scholars have argued that these idiosyncrasies reflect the myriad collective identities of the region's hinterland communities, a pattern rooted in local affiliations that may have conflicted with an expanding regional identity centered at the urban center of Río Viejo. I augment this discussion by highlighting the role that the materiality of the landscape, present before humans even occupied the region, played in the construction of collective identity. I develop an interpretive approach that pays special attention to Indigenous concepts of ontology, particularly those related to animacy and its transference, and uses the semiosis of American philosopher Charles Peirce to elucidate meaning from deposits of cached objects. The animate qualities assembled through fired clay and chiseled stone at Cerro de la Virgen afforded a ritual pattern that was unique in coastal Oaxaca at the end of the Formative period.

Recent excavations at the ancient Maya minor center of Tutu Uitz Na in the Belize River Valley revealed an especially large—about 20 million shells—Middle Preclassic (900–300 BC) shell deposit underlying the plaza. Although marine shell species make up a small percentage of the assemblage, most shells are Pachychilus spp., a common freshwater snail known in the southern Maya Lowlands as jute. This report describes the architectural context and assemblage of the deposit and compares it to similar examples in the region. We propose that the Tutu Uitz Na deposit provides one of the earliest examples of depictions of the Maya primordial sea in an architectural context.

Excavations at the Wacheqsa sector from Chavin de Huantar identified contexts from the Middle Formative (1100–900 BC) and Late Formative (900–550 BC) periods. We present results of starch analysis conducted in culinary equipment (ceramics) retrieved from domestic occupations and a large midden. Microbotanical analysis revealed a variety of plant food resources, such as maize, beans, olluco, and possibly chili peppers.

We present the first geochemical data of archaeological obsidian for Isla Victoria, Nahuel Huapi National Park in Patagonia. XRF analyses were performed on 15 samples of obsidian-like rocks from the Puerto Tranquilo 1 site. Only five of the artifacts—all of which come from upper levels of the site—correspond to obsidian as a raw material. The provenance analysis indicates the use of obsidian sources located in the Andean Forest area of southern Neuquen Province. Based on these preliminary results, we propose a north–south circulation axis for this raw material. These geographic results are discussed in relation to the information available regionally.