Ancient Costa Rican Societies

Evidence of ancient human occupation in southern Central America (Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama) extends from the Paleoindian period to the time of European contact (Cooke Reference Cooke, McEwan and Hoopes2021; Hoopes et al. Reference Hoopes, McEwan, Cockrell, McEwan and Hoopes2021). Archaeological data, historical linguistics, and population genetics indicate that southern Central America was occupied by people who developed and thrived in situ after centuries of fissioning and fusing (Barrantes et al. Reference Barrantes, Smouse, Mohrenweiser, Gershowitz, Azofeifa, Arias and Neel1990; Constenla Umaña Reference Constenla Umaña1991; Cooke Reference Cooke, McEwan and Hoopes2021; Perego et al. Reference Perego, Lancioni, Tribaldos, Angerhofer, Ekins, Olivieri and Woodward2012). The variable geography of the landscape favored both endemism and diversity in societies; at the end of the sixteenth century, their members spoke diverse, yet related, Chibchan and Chocoan languages. At the time of European arrival, ethnohistorical accounts and historical linguistics indicate that northwestern Costa Rica and southeastern Nicaragua were occupied by migrants who spoke the Mesoamerican languages Chorotega (Mangue), Subtiaba (Tlapanec), and Nicarao (Nahua) (Constenla Umaña Reference Constenla Umaña1991, Reference Constenla Umaña1994; Salgado González and Fernández-León Reference Salgado González and Fernández-León2011).

Processes of diversification led to the formation of distinct cultural regions with fluctuating boundaries. Social complexity and political hierarchies developed at various centers of modern-day Costa Rica, including Lomas Entierros, and flourished between AD 800 and 1500 (Corrales Reference Corrales2011). A multitiered settlement system, mortuary differentiation, and monumental architecture at political centers reflected those centers’ social complexity (Corrales Reference Corrales2001). Moreover, social hierarchies were suggested by the presence of elaborate ceremonial metates, anthropomorphic sculpture, and a proliferation of trade of metallurgical items and polychrome ceramics (Frost and Quilter Reference Frost, Quilter, Burger and Rosenswig2012; Hoopes Reference Hoopes, Ericson and Baugh1993; Hoopes et al. Reference Hoopes, McEwan, Cockrell, McEwan and Hoopes2021; Snarskis Reference Snarskis, Quilter and Hoopes2003). However, when comparing different regions of modern-day Costa Rica, it is clear that such development was not equal or unilineal throughout the territory (Murillo Reference Murillo2010) and that there was great variability in the forms and development of social organization during precontact times. Although significant work has been done in the region, questions remain regarding everyday life at such centers and the social and economic differentiation within and between households; we address some of these questions in this article.

Status Differences in Lomas Entierros

Lomas Entierros, located in Central Pacific Costa Rica (Figure 1), was occupied from 300 BC to AD 1185. It became a primary center during its last period of occupation, which was characterized by the construction of cobblestone structures adapted to the natural topography of the hill on which they were built. Such structures were radiocarbon dated to cal AD 646–1185 (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a; Núñez-Cortés and Ruiz-Cubillo Reference Núñez-Cortés and Ruiz-Cubillo2022). During that time, Lomas Entierros became the largest center and most heavily built site in the lower Tárcoles River drainage.

Figure 1. Location of the Lomas Entierros archaeological site. (Color online)

The Tárcoles River (along with its affluents) was considered a major trade route during late precontact times for transporting valuable exchanged goods produced in southwestern Nicaragua and northwestern Costa Rica (known as the Greater Nicoya region) to the central archaeological region: that region includes the Caribbean watershed, the Central Highlands, and the Central Pacific, all of which were a focus of occupation and the development of complex societies during late precontact times. Exchanged objects have been found in many of the principal centers of Central Costa Rica (Corrales Reference Corrales1994). Imported objects from the Greater Nicoya found at Lomas Entierros include polychrome and incised ceramics, groundstone, either raw or finished products of red and green jasper, and bifacially flaked axes and projectile points or the knowledge of this technology (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020b). More than 15% of these objects were imported ceramics (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a; Solís and Herrera Reference Solís and Herrera1992): they were valued by elites and other members of the Lomas Entierros community, as we emphasize later. The location of the settlement between the coastal plain and the piedmont likely allowed inhabitants access to a wide variety of resources.

Previous work at Lomas Entierros (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a, Reference Núñez-Cortés2020b; Núñez and Barba Reference Núñez-Cortés and Pingarrón2023) indicated that status differentiations were manifested in the architecture; the location of individual structures within the site; the possession of valuable goods, both local and imported; and access to protein resources. In general terms, the distribution of wealth at Lomas Entierros community was expressed along a continuum, with the highest-status residents located at the highest elevation (145–153 m asl) in the northwestern sector at the apex, and with status diminishing down to the lowest elevation (115–130 m asl) in the southern sector of the site.

We categorized goods within a range of value (low, medium, and high) based on Feinman and colleagues’ (Reference Feinman, Upham and Lightfoot1981) production step measure that allowed us to assign a labor or craftmanship value according to the material quality of the object. We also considered the labor required to move imported objects or the knowledge associated with foreign technologies. High-value goods at Lomas Entierros included incised and polychrome imported ceramics (including the types Papagayo Polychrome, Mora Polychrome, Altiplano Polychrome, Birmania Polychrome, Jicote Polychrome, and incised ceramics of an unidentified type); incised local ceramics (of the Tayutic Incised ceramic group), decorated metates with feline and avian imagery; polished stone tools (chisels and celts); and bifacially flaked axes and projectile points. Other plasticly decorated monochrome and bichrome ceramics, less decorated and simple metates, and expedited lithic tools were part of the mid- and low-value categories of objects (see more details in Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a).

We can identify at least three socioeconomic groups distributed throughout the settlement based on the site-wide distribution of structures and material assemblages, most of which were derived from midden deposits. Elites, located on the highest elevation sectors of the settlement, had access to many and varied exchange goods, along with locally produced valuables, such as carved and decorated metates and decorated serving bowls and jars. Service ware was also highly concentrated in elite sectors, including in Structure 13 that we discuss in detail later; some of these items also corresponded to imported and high-valued bowls. The serving ware included vases, small jars and tecomates, plates, and bowls. Small jars, tecomates, and bowls with incurving and straight rims could have also been used for short-term storage and occasional food preparation.

Moreover, the concentration of fancy serving vessels in the northern sector indicates that the people using them in such locations valued the visual presentation of food and may have engaged in visible food consumption in the form of feasts. As proposed by other scholars (Hastorf Reference Hastorf2016:194–197; Hendon Reference Hendon and Ardren2020; Lamoureux-St-Hilaire Reference Lamoureux-St-Hilaire and Ardren2020), feasting events can achieve various goals, including demarcating social differences and creating a sense of community. At Lomas Entierros, feasting elite sectors may have consumed carbohydrate-, protein-, and fat-rich foods, with protein and fats being more restricted at the site (Núñez and Barba Reference Núñez-Cortés and Pingarrón2023). Because elite residences were located at the highest vantage point of the site (Núñez-Cortés and Ruiz-Cubillo Reference Núñez-Cortés and Ruiz-Cubillo2022:10), it is likely that the events that took place there were very visible to the rest of the community and may have served as status-enhancing occasions that emphasized hierarchical relationships.

Most of the spindle whorls, remains from surplus lithic production, and flaked lithic tools that could have served for other crafting or everyday endeavors were reported from elite contexts. Surplus lithic production (following Masson et al. Reference Masson, Hare, Lope, Escamilla Ojeda, Paris, Kohut, Russell and Alvarado2016) was indicated by the presence of flake stone tool debris, including non-used flakes, primary flakes, debitage, and cores, in a density above one standard deviation from the mean (see more details in Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a). These areas partially map with the wealthier assemblages, suggesting a linkage between contexts of lithic surplus production and the acquisition of valuable objects. Lithic surplus production also may have been overseen or performed by the wealthiest sectors of the community.

Flaked tools included scrapers, perforators, and knives made from a variety of rocks, of which basalt and andesite were the preferred raw materials (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a:Table 6.2). Such tools may have involved the processing of hide, fibers, and wood; working over shell, bone, or stone; and butchering or cutting (Aoyama Reference Aoyama2009:Table 3.8; Herrera and Solís Reference Herrera and Solís1988; Lemorini et al. Reference Lemorini, Bourguignon, Zupancich, Gopher and Barkai2015). The association of lithic production remains and finished tools with elite contexts suggests that elites may have controlled not only chipped stone production but also crafting activities in which these objects were used. Textiles, hide, and worked bone and shell could have been valuable products for both internal and external exchange.

Intermediate-status members, located on mid-elevation areas of the site, also had access to objects of exchange but to a lesser extent; diverse household sets reflected varied occupational activities. Service and culinary vessels from intermediate-status contexts were found in similar proportions, suggesting a similar distribution of cooking and serving activities. Culinary ware included medium and large jars with everted and outflaring rims. The jars within this group seemed to be designed for cooking, food processing without fire, and storage.

In contrast, low-status members, located at the periphery of the settlement in the lowest-elevation sectors, had access to trade goods of lower value and in smaller quantities; inconspicuous ceramic assemblages were found in this sector. The proportion of service to culinary ware suggest that, in this area of the settlement, there was the highest proportion of cooking and storing activities.

Intermediate- and low-status sectors also contained a large number of domestic metates, especially abundant in border areas between the elite and intermediate-status groups. Such spatial distribution along with their respective equal and greater proportions of culinary vessels in the same sectors suggest that food-processing activities were commonly performed by intermediate- and low-status members of the community. It also suggests that elite groups may have been able to partially disengage from food-processing activities, for which they may have established service relationships with other members of the community.

Objects such as stone celts and axes were found in association with intermediate and intermediate/low economic groups, especially in Structure 45 as we discuss later. Woodworking and other activities such as cutting, digging, slitting, sculpting, and butchering could be associated with the presence of stone celts and axes (Bernstein Reference Bernstein1980; Herrera and Solís Reference Herrera and Solís1988; Vega Reference Vega1970). Chisels, which could have been used for finer sculpting or woodcarving, were exclusively recovered from intermediate-status contexts. The lack of spatial correlation between these intermediate crafting and productive contexts and elite areas suggests that these activities were not overseen by elites and could have been performed relatively independently (e.g., Costin Reference Costin2000; Masson et al. Reference Masson, Hare, Lope, Escamilla Ojeda, Paris, Kohut, Russell and Alvarado2016). Internal and external exchange may have created opportunities for members of these social stratus, particularly those specializing in crafts that were not dominated or controlled by elites, to gain wealth.

Two Excavated Structures

Two structures located in different sectors of the settlement were horizontally exposed to characterize the architecture and material remains associated with them (Figure 2). Excavations were conducted following 5 cm arbitrary levels until reaching occupational floors marked by clay-floor fragments or the level at which the cobblestones were placed. Their assemblages and location suggest that they were occupied by different socioeconomic groups. The distribution of material remains as indications of socioeconomic status is presented in detail elsewhere (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a), and we summarize it here.

Figure 2. Distribution of documented structures at Lomas Entierros and location of horizontally exposed structures on the hillshade lidar map. (Color online)

Distribution of Activities

Elite Sector: Structure 13

The set of analyses for Structure 13 allowed us to identify evidence of cooking activities in internal spaces and possible areas of stone tool manufacture in both internal and external spaces. The limited excavation of this area did not permit a full characterization of the activity areas in and around this structure, but it did enable us to locate areas of human activity.

The micro-remains found in Structure 13 (Figure 3) provide an indication of activities that were not evident solely from the artifact sample. Abundant micro-lithics, bone, and shell were identified in both the exterior and interior spaces of the structure. A small resin fragment was found in a sample collected near the wall of the structure. Lithic debitage, flakes, cores, and pecking tools formed part of this structure's artifact assemblage, which had the greatest number of lithic debris of all the structures excavated (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a:256–257). The highest densities of micro-lithics were found in the sectors where evidence for lithic production was detected through macro-remains, suggesting that these spaces may have been production areas.

Figure 3. Distribution of micro-artifacts in Structure 13. (Color online)

Micro-remains of burned shell were obtained from samples near the terrace wall (Figure 4); they were probably removed from cooking spaces in the interior of the structure. Chemical residue analysis indicated the presence of high levels of carbonate residues, which spatially correlated with phosphates at the interior of this structure (Figure 5). These high values of phosphates and carbonates were found in the same location as high pH values that differed from the rest of the excavated area. High values of pH indicate the presence of ash that could have been derived from a hearth.Footnote ³ The combination of these signatures suggest that shell resources may have been processed with fire, and the high values of phosphates suggest disposal of the remaining parts of the mollusks.

Figure 4. Micro-artifacts from Structure 13: (a) burned shell; (b) shell and bone; (c–d) bone; (e–g) lithics; (h) amber. Scale is in millimeters. (Color online)

Figure 5. Distribution of chemical residues in Structure 13. (Color online)

High values of protein residue and carbohydrates were also found in the interior of the structure, which suggest foodstuff processing and cooking. Remains of micro-bone were detected in both internal and external spaces but were concentrated near the retaining wall of the terrace. High values of protein and carbohydrate outside the structure did not map with other signatures. However, food consumption and preparation trash disposed of in external spaces could explain these high values. Structure 13 and its surroundings contained a higher proportion of serving vessels. suggesting that serving activities took place at a greater rate in this area (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a; Núñez and Barba Reference Núñez-Cortés and Pingarrón2023).

High carbohydrate values, which resulted in the identification of starch grains, were mostly found in the internal spaces of Structure 13 (Figure 6). Starches with secure identifications (Table 1) to the species level included maize (Zea mays) and chili pepper (Capsicum sp.). Of these, maize was the most abundant starch grain. Four grains suggest their correspondence with tubers, but they could not be securely identified at the moment. Granules with tentative identifications include possibly maize (cf. Zea mays).Footnote ⁴

Figure 6. Location and examples of starch grain found at Structure 13. Light background color pictures are starches under a bright-field view; black background images are the same starches under polarized light and a dark-field view: (a) and (a1) Capsicum sp.; (b) and (b1) cf. Zea mays; (c) and (c1) Zea mays; (d) and (d1) cf. Zea mays; (e) and (e1) unidentified tuber; (f) conglomerate; (g) conglomerate; (h) and (h1) Zea mays; (i) and (i1) unidentified; (j) and (j1) cf. Zea mays; (k) and (k1) unidentified tuber; (l) and (l1) unidentified tuber; (m) and (m1) Zea mays; (n) conglomerate; (o) and (o1) unidentified; (p) and (p1) Zea mays. Abbreviations: H = hilum, F = fissure, L= lamellae, RS = radial striation. (Color online)

Table 1. Starch Grain Identifications in Structure 13.

Note: Abbreviations: cl = starch clusters, P = pressure damage, H = heat damage. Counts of individual starchers in clusters are not given because they could not always be counted.

Samples found near where high pH values were concentrated contained several starch grains conglomerates that were gelatinized and lacked recognizable features; this indicated that they were subjected to high temperatures in a liquid medium for a long time (Henry et al. Reference Henry, Hudson and Piperno2009:916). Two maize granules, a possible maize, and an unidentified starch grain presented alterations of the extinction cross and loss of birefringence, which are signs of damage consistently associated with heat treatments (Henry et al. Reference Henry, Hudson and Piperno2009). A maize grain also showed radial striations (Figure 6m) extending from the hilum to the border of the granule, which suggest the application of pressure as a result of grinding (Mickleburgh and Pagán-Jiménez Reference Mickleburgh and Pagán-Jiménez2012). However, such features have been observed in grains from reference collections wihtout any processing. The presence of gelatinized and heat-damaged granules in the interior of the structure reinforces the interpretation that it was a food preparation and cooking area and confirms the relationship between high pH and carbohydrate values and starch grain concentration.

Intermediate Sector: Structure 44

The same analyses performed at Structure 44 yielded less diverse and enriched results than from Structure 13, suggesting that this space was used for different type of activities or over a shorter period of time. The only micro-remains detected in relative abundance were lithics and bone, located at the edge of the structure. Micro-shell was found in very small densities in the exterior (Figure 7). Macro-lithic debris were found in both external and internal spaces, along with two pecking stones recovered from the internal area. The presence of both macro- and micro-lithics suggests the production or resharpening of flaked lithic stone tools; however, they were found in lesser quantities and densities than at Structure 13 (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a).

Figure 7. Distribution of micro-artifacts at Structure 44. (Color online)

Chemical residue analyses yielded low values for phosphates and carbonates (Figure 8), whereas protein residue, carbohydrates, and pH tests produced higher values. That carbohydrate values were high in this sector may have been due to the superficiality of the structure and the abundance of cellulose from the current forest vegetation. However, proteins, carbohydrates, and pH presented higher signatures in external spaces, suggesting that most activities took place in this area. Lower signatures in the interior of the structure may suggest that it either was an area with heavy transit or very little use.

Figure 8. Distribution of chemical residues at Structure 44. (Color online)

Samples from both the interior and exterior of structure 44 yielded evidence for starch grains (Figure 9), suggesting that plant tissues were used, processed, or discarded in both areas. No examples of conglomerates of gelatinized granules were recovered in this sector. As in Structure 13, maize (Zea mays) was the most abundant microbotanical recovered (Table 2). Tentative identifications included a possible granule of Cucurbitaceae. Granules with alterations on the extinction cross and loss of birefringence included a maize granule and two unidentified grains. Radial striations that may indicate pressure damage or grinding (Mickleburgh and Pagán-Jiménez Reference Mickleburgh and Pagán-Jiménez2012) were detected in a maize and a possible Cucurbitaceae granule (Figure 9f1, g1).

Figure 9. Location and examples of starch grain found at Structure 44. Black background images are starches under polarized light and a dark-field view, and light background color pictures are the same starches under a bright-field view: (a), (a1), and (a2) unidentified; (b) and (b1) Zea mays; (c) and (c1) unidentified; (d) and (d1) Zea mays; (e) and (e1) Zea Mays; (f) and (f1) cf. Cucurbitaceae; (g) and (g1) Zea mays; (h) and (h1) unidentified; (i) and (i1) unidentified. Abbreviations: H = hilum, F = fissure, L = lamellae, RS = radial striation. (Color online)

Table 2. Starch Grain Identifications in Structure 44.

Note: Abbreviations: P = pressure damage, H = heat damage.

Discussion and Conclusions

The results obtained through chemical residue, micro-artifacts, and starch grain analyses provide information about past human activities at two structures at Lomas Entierros; these findings are not possible to obtain through the analysis of macro-remains. These traces of human activities allow us to interpret their nature and purposes. Structure 13 presents a richer dataset that suggests cooking in its interior. Burned shell and heat-damaged starch grains near the concentration of high pH values at the southern edge of the excavation are further evidence for this interpretation.

Lithic production is evident through micro- and macro-remains in both Structure 13 and 44, with Structure 13 having the highest concentration of lithic debris and raw materials of restricted access for the community, such as red jasper (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a). Although no interior cooking space was identified at Structure 44, starch grains indicate that food plants were deposited inside the structure. Although starch grains can be deposited by a variety of activities (agriculture, cooking, refuse, etc.), areas with the highest potential for their preservation include those where plants were transformed by human activity (Pearsall Reference Pearsall2016:346). Micro-traces and chemical residue at Structure 44, along with the low level of diversity in artifact remains, suggest slight human activity, which could be due to the function or the time of use of the structure. A similar small, square structure was excavated at the site of Jesús María in Central Pacific Costa Rica, which was interpreted as a storage area due to the low densities of materials remains and low chemical signatures for phosphates, carbonates, and pH (Solís Reference Solís1992). Structure 44 at Lomas Entierros is comparable in the sense that jars suitable for storage or cooking were mostly found in its interior, micro-artifacts were lacking in the same area, and chemical values were low. Moreover, we were able to identify starch grains from plants that could be stored in their dry form, such as maize.

The starch grains we analyzed indicate that plants processed at Structure 13 and 44 at Lomas Entierros included a combination of tubers and seeds. A greater number of starch granules were identified in Structure 13, perhaps because of the type of activities taking place there. Previous analyses based on chemical residues deposited on ceramic containers suggest differential access to foods in high-, intermediate-, and low-status contexts. Samples from elite- and intermediate-status sectors present greater and more restricted access to proteins and fats, whereas carbohydrates were widely consumed by all members of the community (Núñez and Barba Reference Núñez-Cortés and Pingarrón2023). More access to meat (rich in protein and fats) in elite sectors may have been the cause of this differential enrichment in ceramic vessels from the distinct sectors of the site.

The starch grains found in occupational floors do not suggest that elite members had a greater or more diverse access to plant foods. In both structures maize was securely identified, and the presence of some plants was detected in only one of the two structures. Chili peppers were only identified at Structure 13, and possibly squash only at Structure 44. Such differences do not provide enough evidence to argue for differential access to plant resources. Other factors may affect disparities in access to food, including those regarding the preparation and serving of such resources (Twiss Reference Twiss2019:85) or postdepositional disturbances.

A larger number of elaborate serving vessels were excavated at Structure 13, indicating a higher rate of service activities than culinary ones. Moreover, the distribution of ceramic remains throughout the site suggests food consumption in the form of feasts that took place at elite contexts in the northern sector of the site, where Structure 13 is located. Markers of feasts include a greater proportion of serving vessels in elite contexts, some of which contained more restricted substances containing protein and fats. The areas where large numbers of serving vessels were found are surrounded by areas with greater number of metates, suggesting a degree of spatial separation between food processing and food service (see details in Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a; Núñez and Barba Reference Núñez-Cortés and Pingarrón2023). If feasts were taking place at Structure 13 and in the surrounding spaces of the terrace where it is located, they may have included the plant foods reported here, as well as protein derived from mollusk and other meat sources not yet identified. The distribution of fancy service assemblages in elite contexts and the visibility of its hilltop setting (Núñez-Cortés and Ruiz-Cubillo Reference Núñez-Cortés and Ruiz-Cubillo2022) suggest that feasting activities may have served as political statements to enhance status differences.

Material evidence for intermediate-status sectors, where Structure 44 is located, indicates that such groups were able to amass material wealth, likely from independent crafting activities. They were able to gain access to valuable objects, including elaborate local and imported ceramic vessels (Núñez Reference Núñez-Cortés2020a). Chemical residue data from such containers provide evidence for access to a variety of foodstuffs that included resources with protein, carbohydrate, and fat content (Núñez and Barba Reference Núñez-Cortés and Pingarrón2023). Although chemical residue analysis and micro-remains from Structure 44 indicate slight activity, starch grain analysis indicates a diverse content but lower amounts of food plants. The procurement of possibly squash, not found in Structure 13, may further support that intermediate-status members had the ability to gain access to a variety of resources. We propose that Structure 44 corresponds to a storage structure used by intermediate-status community members residing in the southern sectors of the site. However, we cannot discard the possibility that stored foods in this space may have moved up the hierarchy by processes such as taxes, tribute, or staple finance systems (Brumfiel and Earle Reference Brumfiel, Earle, Brumfiel and Earle1987; Earle Reference Earle1997; McAnany et al. Reference McAnany, Thomas, Morandi, Peterson, Harrison, Masson and Freidel2002).

Our work at Lomas Entierros represents one of the first integrated attempts to reconstruct economic and culinary practices of everyday life in Costa Rica by considering many sources of information, including chemical residues, micro-debitage, starch grains, architecture, and material distribution. These analyses provide data that will help us understand the complex social relationships in the Lomas Entierros community during its late phase of occupation. It also provides a way to investigate daily life in archaeological sites that have limited conservation of organic remains.