In 1990, in Department of Employment Services v. Smith,494 U.S. 872 (1990). the Supreme Court announced a new standard to govern Free Exercise claims. The Court held that “the right of free exercise does not relieve an individual of the obligation to comply with a ‘valid and neutral law of general applicability on the ground that the law proscribes (or prescribes) conduct that his religion prescribes (or proscribes).’”Id. at 879 (quoting United States v. Lee, 455 U.S. 252, 263 n.3 (1982) (Stevens concurring)). Prior to Smith, the Court had applied a test drawn from Sherbert v. Verner.374 U.S. 398 (1963). In Sherbert, the Court had indicated that religiously motivated persons were constitutionally exempt from otherwise valid laws unless the imposition of those laws was necessary to secure “a compelling state interest.”Id. at 403 (internal quotation marks omitted). Although the Court rejected almost every Free Exercise claim raised under Sherbert, the Sherbert standard was—in theory if not in practice—remarkably generous to religiously motivated persons, granting them a presumptive right to disobey laws that thwarted their religious commitments.

On November 27, 1905, the steamship Reynolds was moored to Vincent’s dock for the purposes of unloading its cargo, when a violent storm arose. The captain signalled for a tug to tow the ship from the dock after the cargo had been unloaded, but none could be obtained, because the waters had become too rough. It was too dangerous to cast off, and as the lines holding the ship to the dock became frayed, the crew replaced them. The Reynolds was repeatedly thrown against the dock, causing considerable damage to it. The ship’s owner, the Lake Erie Transportation Company, was held liable for the cost of the damage. Defendant’s appeal against an order denying a new trial was dismissed by a two to one majority of the Supreme Court of Minnesota in an opinion that has since enjoyed considerable and consistent attention.Vincent v. Lake Erie Transportation Co., 124 N.W. 221 (Minn. Sup. Ct. 1910).

The best test of whether an intellectual problem is genuinely worthwhile is whether there exists a Jewish joke on point. By that quite exacting standard, the problem of preemptive action is certainly an important one. To be sure, the joke that comes to mind is not especially funny, but that is not what counts. It is the existence of the joke, not its funniness, that matters.

Conventionalism once seemed an attractive way to justify the viability of the positivistic social thesis. Subsequent criticism, however, has significantly lessened its attractiveness. This paper attempts to revive jurisprudential interest in conventionalism by claiming that positivists would profit more from the conventionalism of Ruth G. Millikan than that of David Lewis.

Three arguments are proffered to support this contention. First, Millikan's conventionalism is not vulnerable to the major criticism leveled at conventionalism, viz its compliance-dependence (i.e., the main reason to follow a convention is that other social actors do so), as this is not its defining feature. Second, Millikanian conventionalism retains conventionalism's ability to explain how law emerges from social practices while avoiding the main disadvantage of Lewisian conventionalism, viz its inability to explain the normativity and contestability of law. Third, Millikan's conventionalism can more effectively repel Dworkin's and Greenberg's assaults on legal positivism than its Lewisian counterpart.

This article explores four topics raised by Eyal Zamir and Barak Medina's treatment of constrained deontology. First, it examines whether mathematical threshold functions are the proper way to think about limits on deontology, given the discontinuities of our moral judgments and the desired phenomenology of rule-following. Second, it asks whether constrained deontology is appropriate for public as well as private decision-making, taking issue with the book's conclusion that deontological options are inapplicable to public decision-making, whereas deontological constraints are applicable. Third, it examines the issue of the relationship between deontology and efficiency, asking whether deontological constraints should yield in situations where everyone would expect to benefit from their suspension, either ex ante or ex post. Finally, the article concludes that constrained deontology is susceptible to political abuse because of the many degrees of freedom involved in identifying constrained actions and the point at which those constraints yield to consequentialist benefits.

It is commonly held that we wrong someone if we punish them without first determining whether they are guilty through the process of a sufficiently fair and reliable procedure. This wrong is best explained by pre-institutional moral procedural rights. Recently, Christopher Heath Wellman has argued for the skeptical conclusion that there are no such rights, challenging a widely held orthodoxy. I propose two novel grounds for pre-institutional moral procedural rights and so answer Wellman's skepticism. First, we have rights not to be subject to punitive systems that do not include specific sorts of reliable procedures because otherwise we are subject to unreasonable risks of undeserved punishment. Second, not only do we have rights that others not harm us or unreasonably risk harming us, we have rights that they control for avoiding wrongfully harming us across relevant close possible worlds.

The import and intentions of Ronald Dworkin's work are fairly grand. Dworkin does not propose a plain theory of law. Indeed, his theory of law is one part of a grand architectonic that also encompasses a theory of liberal equality and an important discussion of community. Though it is the last component that this essay is most interested in, it is impossible to consider one part in isolation from the others. Dworkin believes that community can serve as a go-between for authority and autonomy; or, to use a different rubric, community can explain and justify obligation. The authority must present a legal system that is true to the value of integrity. If a legal system displays integrity, the political community becomes amenable to personification. Personification of the community allows for the formation of feelings of veneration and attachment towards it. These feelings are critical to the well-being of the individual. Hence if authority abides by the demands of community, it deserves allegiance from the individual. The tension between authority and autonomy is in this manner resolved.

An influential view in recent philosophy of punishment is that the apparatus of criminal justice should be geared at least in part to state censure of wrongdoing. I argue that if it were to be so geared, such an apparatus would make ambitious claims to authority, and that the legitimacy of the relevant state would then depend on whether those claims can be vindicated. This paper looks first at what kind of authority is being claimed by this apparatus. The criminal law, I argue, cannot merely be thought of as claiming a right to rule and to be obeyed. Rather, its authority is better understood as the authority of moral oversight: a power to alter, at will (though within certain limits), citizens’ liability to answer for their compliance with—and to be officially censured for their failure to comply with—a designated set of pre-existing moral 7reasons. The paper then looks at whether a state could realistically be expected to possess such authority—that is, whether a state that claims to have such a power could ever be legitimate.

There is no escaping the fact that law shapes identity. Laws tells us who we are and where we stand in society. While sometimes benign, such classification can also be a devastatingly powerful instrument of ostracism and subjugation. Legally enforced racial segregation sent a cold and harsh message about what the dominant society thought it meant to be black. The recent backlash against affirmative action resurrects degrading stereotypes and sends old messages wrapped in new code words about racial identity. “English-only” laws and attempts to restrict public support for immigrants define targeted groups as “outsiders,” people who do not belong in America. The acceptance of anti-sodomy laws brands homosexuals as deviant And the slow, grudging history of legal recognition of sexual harassment, the defeat of the Equal Rights Amendment, and the persistence of the “reasonable man” standard effaces the distinctive experiences of women in society while subjecting all to measurement against a male norm.

Critical Legal Studies (CLS) writers argue that judicial decision making is not politically neutral; rather, it is only a stylized version of political discourse. More pointedly, these writers argue that the belief in legal neutrality legitimates an unrepresentative political process, thereby benefiting the powerful to the detriment of the weaker. Accordingly, CLS writers consider the belief in legal neutrality to be ideological. Also, CLS writers consider judicial decision making itself (as opposed to beliefs about legal decision making) to be ideological in the sense that the outcomes of legal decision making are informed and influenced by conservative ideology.I use two senses of the term “ideology” in this essay. The ideological belief in legal neutrality is ideological in a pejorative sense. That is, it is a false belief that works to the detriment of its holder. The conservative ideology that informs legal decision making is ideological in a descriptive but not necessarily a pejorative sense. For a discussion of these and other distinctions between the possible meanings of the term “ideology,” see Raymond Geuss, The Idea Of A Critical Theory (1981), esp. ch. 1. Thus, a central project of the CLS movement is to unmask the ideological nature of law.For discussion of the premises that the liberal belief about law is ideological and that the function of CLS writers is to unmask this ideological nature, see David Kairys,Introduction to The Politics Of Law: A Progressive Critique 5 (David Kairys ed., 1990); Alan Hutchinson, Introduction to Critical Legal Studies 3 (Alan Hutchinson ed., 2d ed. 1989); Richard M. Fischl, Some Realism About Critical Legal Studies, 41 U. Miami L. Rev. 505, 524–25 (1987); and Duncan Kennedy, The Structure of Blackstone’s Commentaries, 28 Buff. L. Rev. 205 (1979).

The “folk” theory of democracy that typically justifies the administrative state cannot help but lead to a discourse of constraint. If agency action is only legitimate when it mechanically applies the will of the voters as transposed by Congress through statutes, then the norms guiding that action will inevitably restrain agency discretion. As a result, attempts to establish the democratic credentials of the administrative state ironically obstruct the application of collective power. But this “folk” theory of democracy is bad theory. It is empirically incredible and, alarmingly, facilitates dangerous populist politics. Political theory instead suggests that a theory of democratic representation not only better explains legislative outcomes, but also deprives demagogues and deregulatory partisans of the fictions that prop up their agendas. After a brief survey of representative theory, this article will demonstrate that a model of trustee representation adequately describes administration, reinforces its democratic credentials and constitutes a space for politics in shaping the regulations that govern us all.

One key premise in Shapiro's book Legality is that rationality requires those who have accepted the master plan for a system of law to obey the system's rules. In this paper, I question this premise, arguing instead that although it may be rational for agents to commit to follow the system's rule in all (or most) cases to which they apply, it is not rational for agents to follow the rules in fact when the rules appear to require the wrong outcomes in particular cases. My argument is based largely on epistemic responsibility, which I view as an element of rationality.