The Canadian involvement in Caribbean America—and by this I automatically include the Hispanic Caribbean, French, and Dutchspeaking places, as well as the English-speaking Commonwealth Caribbean—has followed two traditional streams.

The first is Canada's private sector involvement—substantial Canadian commitments in some countries like Jamaica, Guyana, and the Dominican Republic, typically concentrated in extractive industries and banking. The second is with the public sector, in Commonwealth Caribbean islands, but with a mix of Canadian private/public roles in some important cases.

More diffusely spread, the public sector side includes capital grants and loans made through governments or international banks to develop new private industry, as well as for genuine public sector and social development schemes. The latter would include government-to-government aid, for example, assistance to the University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica or the University of Guyana, teacher training programs, CUSO (Canadian University Service Overseas) community work, the missionary role of the various Canadian churches, chiefly the Roman Catholic.

There are at least two reasons for United States and Latin American historians to bring their work together in a comparative thesis, the first being the need to maximize control of generalizations, and the second being the need to write the history of the social process by which a single world community has been developing since the sixteenth century. Recently, considerable progress with the first task has been made in the study of slavery and race relations, but little progress can yet be reported with the second.

One result of the work on slavery and race relations ought to warn and encourage us. Without entering here into a discussion of the specific points of view advanced by Frank Tannenbaum, Marvin Harris, Sidney Mintz, Stanley Elkins, Gilberto Freyre, Herbert Klein, and so many others, it could be demonstrated that the comparisons of slavery in the United States, South America, and the Caribbean have so far proven enormously important in clarifying issues and stimulating new research and yet have failed to yield some of the most sought-after generalizations.

La integración se ha iniciado como proceso económico, y más por sectores de la economía que por la economía en general; pero tiende a convertirse en un proceso global porque la economía no es un factor aislado de la sociedad, sino que se vincula a la educación, la técnica, las estructuras políticas, el ordenamiento jurídico. La integración por la economía puede ser el primer eslabón de una cadena multidimensional; pero puede desde luego concebírsele y querérsele con un propósito restringido, en términos pura y simplemente económicos.

Cuando se pone por obra la integración económica en los tratados se ha querido a veces despolitizarla, y por eso se ha enfatizado en las negociaciones, los comunicados y los discursos que se trata de algo puramente económico y que por consiguiente se deja de lado lo político.

Mr. Tad Szulc, a highly perceptive and knowledgeable New York Times correspondent and certainly an “old Latin American hand” wrote very wisely: “One of the first rules a reporter needs to learn in Latin America is that he must never be swayed by reason or logic in trying to gauge future events. This precept should apply as well to the contemporary historian or to the foreign-policy maker observing the Latin American scene, who must realize that neither short- nor long-range predictions are possible and that in all wisdom none should be attempted. The scene is too crowded, the actors move too fast, propelled by visible and invisible forces of formidable magnitude.” Having uttered this warning, Mr. Szulc proceeded to violate it and make some sage observations about the “tomorrow” of Latin America.

In this paper it is intended to present the “political ethnography” of Villalta, a community in the Dominican Republic, from the period before the rise of Trujillo until May 1968, when municipal elections were held throughout the country. The principal concern is to show how the power structure and system of patronage which developed in Villalta during the Trujillo years has responded to the political fortunes of the country since the death of Trujillo.

Much of the discussion will deal with a small group of men who are the principal dispensers of political patronage and who, over the years, have represented the community to the outside. At lower levels, those who acquiesce to the judgment of these men frequently do so in accordance with patron-client ties. Because of both political and economic change within and outside the community, the basis on which this acquiescence has rested, has undergone change and the position of the power-holders has been rendered more tenuous.

The most pervasive themes that marked world reaction to the first manned landing on the moon on July 20, 1969, related to its meaning for man as man. The United States itself deliberately chose this emphasis, as witness the plaque left behind, “We came in peace for all mankind”; Neil Armstrong's “one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind”; and the dramatic high point of President Nixon's earth to moon exchange, “For one priceless moment in the whole history of man, all the people of this earth are truly one.” But no amount of suggestion by the United States can possibly explain the universality and the evident wholeheartedness of the thought that man generally—as distinct from men of one nation, or of one political alignment, or one social system—had achieved a historic triumph and one that must change his future condition and his future international relationships.

Philippe Bunau-Varilla was a Frenchman who found a place in the histories of the United States and Panama as it was largely through his efforts that the United States undertook the construction of the Panama Canal. Beginning in January 1901 he spent the major part of eighteen months in the United States lecturing in Cincinnati, Chicago, Boston, Princeton, Philadelphia, and New York and lobbying before the American Congress to secure the adoption of the Panama Canal route. When the policy of the Colombian government threatened to prevent the implementation of this decision, he helped promote a secessionist movement at Panama that enabled the Panamanians to become independent on 3 November 1903.

Since 1941 United States relations with Latin American countries have fluctuated between the ofñcial cordiality of wartime cooperation, which provided the basis for the Organization of American States and the Rio Treaty, and deep-seated hostility and malaise, which erupted in the Nixon visit and in Castro's revolution, as well as in more recent unpleasant incidents. Latin American leaders have contended that the United States violated its wartime commitments, particularly in the economic sphere, by concentrating on the recovery of Europe in the first postwar decade and on Asian upheaval in the second. The history of U.S.-Panamanian relations since 1941 provides an excellent case study in order to test the validity of these contentions.

A loan is considered a purely financial transaction that alters the composition of particular portfolios while leaving the aggregate stock of assets unchanged. Because such a transaction does not of itself generate new production, its dollar value is excluded from the calculation of GNP. It is probably for this reason that the economic significance of lending programs for stabilization purposes has been largely neglected. The transfer payment is similar to the loan in that neither enters the income stream directly, yet the former is considered to have a substantial economic effect.

In a development context external financing is thought to be a significant variable for increasing an economy's growth rate. The success of these loans in generating growth is usually measured by comparing the actual growth rate with some desired standard growth rate.

Éno estudo dos escritores brasileiros modernamente chamados de barrocos e, em particular, no estudo dos barrocos menores, que se verifica a justeza da observação de Curtius segundo a qual seria preferível evitar, em teoría literaria, o emprégo dessa expressão, dadas as numerosas confusões que tem suscitado. Realmente, apenas a falta de rigor intelectual permite transpor, das artes visuais para as artes da palavra, coneitos e fenômenos que só têm sentido e significado enquanto interpretações plásticas da realidade. Em literatura, o que boje se chama de “barroco” é, muito simplesmente, o que sempre se denominou de maneirismo, êsse fenômeno que, em tôdas as épocas (assinala, aida, o especialista alemão), revela-se complementar dos diversos classicismos que se sucedem. A mudança de terminologia só teria justificação se correspondesse, por um lado, a urna apreensão mais sutil ou mais correta de tal estilo e, por outro, se se tornasse indispensável para enquadrar peculiaridades estilísticas de que os contemporâneos não tivessem tido consciência.

Critics have written at some length about the “magic realism” in Alejo Carpentier's novels and his original treatment of historical material and peculiar concept of time. Without wishing to ignore the importance of these aspects in a close examination of Carpentier's vision of life in a New World setting, something more can be said about his ingenious choice and use of source material.

In a novel like El reino de este mundo (1949) the extraordinary liveliness of the narrative depends, ultimately, upon a subtle interweaving of historical and fictional material and the care taken in selecting the former. Carpentier has a scholar's eye for the interesting source, and the narrative techniques he develops here prompted an accurate judgment from Juan Marinello who described his recent novels as “casos cumplidos de sabiduría y creación.”

Historians specializing in the study of Latin America are not making the fullest use of the theories of Bolton, Turner, and Webb. Herbert Eugene Bolton proposed his schema of a comprehensive history for the Americas almost fifty years ago, while this year we mark the seventy-seventh anniversary of the full expression of Frederick Jackson Turner's Frontier theory. The views of these two scholars, while provocative, did not lead to revolutionary new interpretations in the history of Latin America—nor, despite the hopes of the two advocates, did their ideas succeed in moving the historian of the United States away from a narrow and chauvinistic base. Nevertheless, the theories of Turner and Bolton have caused discussions and debates that have been of great interest.

The period immediately following Castro's overthrow of Batista on New Year's Day 1959 was followed by a series of revolutionary trials that attempted to weed out and punish supporters of the fallen dictatorship and “enemies of the revolution.” One of the most unusual of these political trials became a cause célèbre that called into question the general nature of law and justice in Castro's Cuba. The analysis of this case allows us to see clearly the relationship that has traditionally existed between the ideas of law and justice in Latin American culture. This study also touches incidentally upon the ever present judicial problem of defining the responsibility of soldiers for their actions during warfare.

Planning is often analogous to weather in that everyone discusses it but little is really done. Such, at least, is the case in Guatemala where individuals, groups, and the government espouse a need for development planning in eloquent terms but produce few positive results. In Guatemala, however, it is increasingly recognized that planning can be a logical and relatively scientific method of improving resource utilization. The purpose of this paper is to appraise a few general aspects of development planning in Guatemala and to characterize its organizational structure and the political constraints imposed upon the process.

Governments are assuming a more dominant role in development, particularly in the less advanced areas. Public opinion has generally supported this trend by criticizing development programs or blaming the lack of development on the government.