Harto conocido es aquel episodio de la vida del Manco Genial cuando, cesante de las nada agradables y poco lucrativas faenas de proveedor de la real armada y viendo que en la patria no le era dado alcanzar empleo de alguna sustancia, solicitó muy rendidamente del Consejo de Indias le fuese otorgado cualesquiera de los cuatro oficios que a la sazón se hallaban vacantes en las colonias de América: La contaduría del Nuevo Reino de Granada, la gobernación de la provincia de Soconusco, la contaduría de galeras en Cartagena o el corregimiento de la ciudad de La Paz. Aunque grandes los méritos del solicitante y nada pingües los empleos a que aspiraba, los respingados señores de aquel consejo respondieron a la petición con una negativa terminante, en proveído de cortas letras, con sus puntas y ribetes de amarga ironía, que el licenciado Núñez Morquecho se encargó de suscribir, a nombre de sus colegas: Busque por acá en que se le haga merced.

La celebración del cincuentenario del descubrimiento de las ruinas maravillosas de Machu Picchu — en julio de 1961 — ha tenido una resonancia literaria de importancia singular, pues aparte de los estudios de orden histórico y antropológico, y de la nutrida colaboración periodística que ha llenado muchas páginas de periódicos de toda América, ha brindado los frutos de inesperados volúmenes poéticos o de prosa literaria sin ribetes de erudición o información, en el plano de la creación pura, estimulada por el hechizo de la naturaleza que bordea las ruinas conmemoradas o el mensaje cósmico de la piedra milenaria.

Social and cultural patterns in under-developed areas are being altered as industrialization occurs. For most of the peoples in these areas, industrialization means not only a new economic system, but also new patterns of non-economic behavior often sharply divergent from the old. Thus, the problem of economic development is not confined to establishing improved sources of productivity. It also concerns the ways in which a society will react and accommodate itself to the exigencies of economic change.

Until the end of World War Two, very little consideration was given to the implications of industrial development on the structure of society. The disregard of variables such as political systems, value systems, etc., has meant a change in the relationship between economic and social life, causing old cultures and social systems to collapse, and a rise in the resistance of the members of these societies to the advances of industrialization. The end result was that general improvement in living standards was not attained and a profound dislike for the foreigner was developed.

Lord Acton's detachment, keen historical sense and vast knowledge reveal an insight applicable to recent Latin-American events. As Acton warned, “History must be our deliverer not only from the undue influence of other times, but from the undue influence of our own”.

John Emerich Edward Dalberg Acton was born in Naples in 1834. His paternal grandfather had made his career in the service of the King of Naples whose Prime Minister he was during the period of the French Revolution and Napoleon. His maternal grandfather was a noble of the Holy Roman Empire who served Napoleon and sat as a peer of France and a colleague of Talleyrand at the Congress of Vienna. His maternal great-uncle had been Archbishop Elector of Mainz, and his wife's family, the Arco Valleys, were active in French politics in the first half of the nineteenth century. Acton's step-father was Lord Granville, several times British Foreign Secretary.

Cuentan que Cristóbal Colón al seguir la señal de una bandada de aves marinas, varió la ruta que directamente lo habría conducido a las playas atlánticas de los Estados Unidos de América. En cierto modo, pues, un hecho providencial permitió que este continente se poblara de sajones y latinos, dividiéndose en dos partes: América inglesa, representada hoy, principalmente, por aquella gran república del norte y Canadá; y América hispánica, constituida por las numerosas naciones, incluso Brasil, que se extienden del Río Bravo al Polo Sur.

El continente americano, desde la extraordinaria hazaña del ilustre Navegante, quedó abierto a todas las corrientes de la cultura europea, especialmente a las influencias inglesa e ibérica; y durante trescientos años se fue acentuando, poco a poco, la personalidad étnica de los sectores de población que habitaban bajo su cielo.

Of the men who helped to shape the destiny of Ecuador in the nineteenth century, two are outstanding. Both are enigmatic, and both appear to be contradictions to the normal pattern of behavior for their time and place. Gabriel Garcia Moreno as holder of the highest civil office of Ecuador held sway over the life and politics of the nation for nearly two decades. Federico González Suárez, who toward the end of his career was to hold the highest office the Church could bestow in Ecuador, was to have a more subtle influence as an historian.

Garcia Moreno, as civilian dictator, developed the cult of the Church to the highest degree by means of a concordat with the Vatican, and by dedicating the nation to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. For González Suárez, although a clergyman, the patria came first and religion second. If Garcia Moreno saw in the Church and Jesus Christ the only salvation for the nation, González Suárez was willing to point out the weaknesses, inadequacies, and scandalous acts of which the Church and monastic orders had been guilty.

The November 15, 1889, republican revolution in Brazil was led by a man who was a monarchist and an ardent admirer of the emperor whom he deprived of throne and country. This man, Deodoro da Fonseca, believed in constitutionalism and was forced by fate to become Brazil's first dictator. It is unfortunate that Marshal Deodoro's last few years of life made his name synonomous with the arbitrary use and abuse of power. This study seeks to explain fate's part in creating this dictator image and to modify and to mitigate that word when it is used to describe the man who became Brazil's first president.

The revolution which made Deodoro provisional president was engineered by republican agitators who manipulated the military leaders in such a manner that they administered the coup de grace to the magnanimous reign of Dom Pedro II. Military leaders had been convinced by a series of incidents dating back two decades that the políticos who controlled the government sought to restrict their prestige and authority. By 1889, these leaders were convinced that further concessions would lead to dishonor. Benjamin Constant and Aristides Lobo with difficulty convinced a reluctant Deodoro that he must act if the honor of the military class was to be saved.

En nuestro caso debe entenderse el mito americano como transfiguración de los seres y fenómenos naturales en cuerpos extra-naturales o fuerzas sobrenaturales. En cambio, el folklore es más bien el fruto de la transculturación hispano-guaraní comenzando por la música, siguiendo con el ñandutí, las danzas, las canciones, refranes, adivinanzas, la platería, el vestido, las diversiones y la dietética.

El mito es de origen guaranítico; el folklore, una creación del hombre paraguayo.

Notoria es la diferencia entre los mitos amerindios y los clásicos. En Grecia, los dioses tienen pasiones humanas, son vengativos y sensuales. Encarnan como Zeus, Diana, y hasta el mismo Hércules fuerzas cósmicas y fenómenos naturales, con una imaginación distinta de la nuestra. Los helenos la poseían más rica que lo autóctona americana y, mucho más cultivada y cuyas representaciones son herencia de Egipto, Babilonia e India.

El problema que nos hemos propuesto dilucidar en este breve ensayo es el alcance y significado inmediato de la desintegración en nuestras relaciones sociales. Resultado y conclusión de nuestra observación directa, procuramos registrar objetivamente y con un criterio antropológico, las distintas reacciones del hombre medio de nuestra ciudad en cuanto tiende a violar el sentimiento de comunidad. Precisamente, uno de los rasgos más dramáticos que advertimos en la evolución de la presente sociedad argentina es la pérdida, por atrofia, de dicho sentimiento, el que en las actuales circunstancias ha perdido su valor pragmático. Con todo, la deshumanización de las relaciones sociales no es exclusiva de nuestro socius; el desarrollo histórico de Occidente en el actual período de integración imperialista se caracteriza por llevar esta deshumanización — derivada de la transformación de un medio natural en un medio técnico — a sus últimas consecuencias psicosociológicas.

To understand the social revolution in Cuba today one must be at once anthropologist, historian, sociologist, political scientist, scientist, economist, writer, philosopher, and something of a rebel oneself. In other words, one must be a Universal Man. Who of us today, however, would pretend to such all-encompassing knowledge? The Cuban Revolution in the nineteenth century, however, did produce such a man, José Martí. Or rather, it would be more accurate to say that such a man produced the Revolution, at least in the sense that Marti was the main publicist for the revolutionary Cuban exiles, co-ordinator of the emigrant groups, money collector, and author of its major political documents.

Although Marti ranks with Simón Bolívar and José de San Martín as a liberator, he is relatively unknown in the United States. Yet his collected works fill seventy-four volumes. One bibliography lists over 10,000 items, including more than a hundred books and more than 200 monographs written about him. Marti was first and last a revolutionist, but he was also a poet, one of the best, and highly praised by such authorities as Gabriela Mistral, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno, Fernando de los Ríos, Rufino Blanco Fombona, and Amado Nervo.

La literatura chilena ha tenido, desde sus comienzos, tendencia a lo narrativo, a la anécdota. Lo comprueban La Araucana, de Ercilla; el Arauco Domado, de Pedro de Oña; el Cautiverio Feliz, de Pineda y Bascuñán, y tantos otros documentos epopéyicos.

La novela, ya como género independiente, ha tenido cultivadores desde el principio de la nacionalidad. Don José Victorino Lastarria abre el camino con un llamado a los intelectuales de la época exhortándolos a mirar a su alrededor y a coger los temas que la historia, la leyenda y la vida les ponían a su alcance. Así comprendieron que en el propio medio había un rico venero literario que era perentorio elaborar.

This article is a report of a study begun in 1959 and completed in early 1962 at the State University of Iowa as a doctoral dissertation. A descriptive study, it attempted to draw in rather broad outlines the image of the United States and its people as presented in an important segment of the Mexican press1 and in opinions expressed by journalists in interviews and on questionnaires. More specifically, the study was made to determine and describe the volume and kinds of news, opinion, and pictorial material about the United States published over a randomlyselected period (January, 1960) in ten leading daily newspapers of Mexico.

Beyond this main descriptive phase, consisting of the analysis of the content of 300 separate newspaper issues, the study also had as a secondary objective the presentation of opinion about the United States given by journalists connected with the ten dailies and with a few other newspapers. This latter phase proved to be much the more interesting, and the more revealing, aspect of the study, and it is principally with this “opinion” aspect of the study that the present article deals.

Despite all the warnings that the Latin-American masses are aroused and demanding social justice, there is little empirical data demonstrating it although there are a few research reports suggesting the lack of validity of the general proposition, in some significant situations. For example, one survey report indicates that even with the rise of the militant, radical peasant leagues in northeast Brazil, the general rural populace has hardly any formulated opinion about nationalism or the Cuban Revolution. This absence of opinion suggests that the people are not yet either sufficiently agitated or aware of the relevance of government and politics in their lives for social revolution to emerge.

At every recent session of the United States Congress foreign aid has been debated, criticized, and eventually enacted into law. Unfortunately, results of the foreign aid program have been less miraculous than its proponents anticipated. Instead of free, happy and productive allies, we find that discontented, disappointed and even resentful nations are recipients of U. S. “foreign aid.”

The frustrations and failures inherent in a governmental foreign aid program were publicized by the best-selling polemic, The Ugly American. The authors insisted that much of the trouble with foreign aid was to be found in the naïvete of its originators, the ignorance and incompetence of its administrators, and the general insensitivity of Americans toward peoples of other lands. The indictment provoked angry denials from advocates of foreign aid, and managed to obscure the positive achievements of two decades of assistance by the United States government to many countries where ignorance, poverty and disease were considered to be ineradicable.

En enero de 1961, un nuevo gobierno tomó posesión en Washington. Ese nuevo gobierno tenía que confrontar muchos problemas: una molesta recesión en la economía interna y un ominoso déficit en la balanza de pagos en su comercio exterior — para mencionar solamente dos de los más importantes y urgentes problemas económicos de ese momento. También había dificultades en el frente político internacional: en Laos, en Berlín, en el Congo, en Cuba, etc.

A medida que pasaban las semanas, los puntos difíciles del escenario mundial seguían en los titulares de los diarios. La Cuba de Fidel Castro, por su proximidad a Estados Unidos, constituía un caso especial de irritación. El régimen cubano adelantaba su revolución en casa, pero no paraba allí. Pues además de pinchar persistentemente a este país (EE. UU.), el régimen parecía decidido a llevar su mensaje a otras partes de la América Latina. Allí, en un ambiente de descontento con el status quo y verdaderas ansias por lograr “mejor suerte”, el ambiente se hallaba propicio, supuestamente, a escuchar el mensaje y quizás a actuar.

Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada
Lá sou amigo do rei
La tenho a mulher que eu quero
Na cama que escolherei
Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada

Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada
Aqui eu nao sou feliz

Em Pasárgada tem tudo
É Outra civilização
Tem um processo seguro
De impedir a concepção
Tem telefone automático
Tem alcaloide a vontade
Tem prostitutas bonitas
Para a gente namorar

— Lá sou amigo do rei —
Terei a mulher que eu quero
Na cama que escolherei
Vou-me embora pra Pasárgada

Published in 1957, to mark his seventieth birthday, the “Itinerário” gives a lucid account of Manuel Bandeira's biography, in which he carefully details the significant events of his long career. But the book has even greater value as a document which traces the poet's dual formation as man and as artist, the shaping of his artistic sensibility and consciousness of poetic mission.

Great cities have historically demonstrated an affinity for riverine locations. Current activity in Venezuela points to the creation of a major urban node on the south bank of the Orinoco River, at its confluence with the Caroni (Figure 1). Since World War Two, but especially in the last decade, an important series of events within this area of Venezuela has pointed up the opportunity, if not the necessity, of bringing this long dormant region into the nation's developed, effectivelysettled domain. The mining and shipping of iron ore from El Pao by Bethlehem Steel's subsidiary, Iron Mines Company, initiated before the war but not operational until 1950, was the first major stimulus. The region was further awakened with the arrival of United States Steel's Orinoco Mining Company which opened up the Cerro Bolívar iron ore deposit. The first shipment here was in 1954. In both these projects, the developers had to bring in everything necessary for the beginning of operations.

The Peronist victories in the 1962 elections, the subsequent military coup, and the nationalistic platform of the President elected in 1963 have again focused attention on the Argentine political scene. Much has been written about these and other aspects of contemporary Argentine politics; however, one major factor that has been almost completely ignored is the split within Argentine Radicalism that produced two separate Radical Parties. This article attempts to point out some of the reasons for the formation of these parties and also to trace their evolution through July, 1963.

The 1957 split was not the first to occur within the Unión Cívica Radical (Radical Civic Union or UCR); in fact the party was born of the 1891 split of the Civic Union into Nationals and Radicals. Although the UCR had definite internal factions as early as 1897, the first real split in the party came in 1922, when many Radicals left to form the Anti-personalist UCR under the leadership of President Marcelo T. Alvear.

The European pattern of economic integration has found expression in the Western Hemisphere in three politically divergent, widelyseparated regional groupings. One such group is the now-defunct West Indies Federation, a rearrangement of the remaining bits and pieces of British colonialism in the Caribbean region. Another is the Latin American Free Trade Association, straddling gaps from Mexico to Argentina, which appears to be a superficial bid for economic affinity among the more developed Latin American nations. But the most vigorous approach to regional economic integration is being pursued by the Organization for the Economic Development of Central America, which boldly proposes to weld at least five individually inefficient, insufferably nationalistic entities into one productive effort capable of initiating and sustaining economic take-off. Thus, in Central America, regional integration is being enforced even before national identity has fully emerged.

The United States occupation of Haiti — despite benevolent intentions — was a thinly-disguised military dictatorship. The official view of the Department of State that the numerous U. S. officials there were merely advisers to the legitimate Haitian government, acting in accordance with limitations prescribed by treaty, was a polite fiction. It deceived no one, particularly the large number of Haitians who resented foreign experiments in benevolent despotism in their land.

The real ruler of Haiti, as the system had evolved by the pivotal year of 1928 — the last “normal” year before the political crisis which precipitated withdrawal — was General John H. Russell, United States Marine Corps, the U. S. High Commissioner. The nominal ruler, President Louis Borno, generally relied upon his U. S. advisers. In Russell's own words “[Borno] has never taken a step without first consulting me.” When differences arose, usually as a result of pressures exerted on Borno by local politicians, General Russell was free to make appropriate concessions. But his will prevailed in any showdown conflict. The General was noted for his fairness, however, and his relations with Haitian officials were usually harmonious. Yet his military background, combined with his devotion to efficiency and economy, was not well-suited to preparing a dependent people for enlightened self-rule.