Alguien dijo una vez que el Uruguay es como un pedazo del Brasil que se introdujera en la Argentina. Aunque exagerada y arbitraria, dicha afirmación tiene cierta parte de verdad. El Uruguay participa, en general, de características —geográficas, geológicas— del Estado de Rio Grande do Sul. Y nuestra capital, Montevideo, posee cierta influencia urbana que le viene de Buenos Aires. Pero es preciso destacar nuestra posesión de una personalidad que —si no muy definida (y en esto nos parecemos a otros países de América)— presenta rasgos que le son propios.

Somos casi el único país del Continente que no posee indios puros. Sin embargo, paseando por nuestras ciudades y sobre todo por nuestra campaña, no es difícil encontrar, en algunos perfiles humanos, de nariz aguileña y cabellos lacios y renegridos, muy vagas reminiscencias indígenas.

The degree conferred upon me by the University of America with the concurrence of the 24 universities of the Republic of Colombia is a powerful incentive to the work of the Inter-American Development Bank in the field of higher education and research in Latin America. You will forgive me, then, if I take this occasion to mention the role of the Inter-American Bank as the “Bank of the Latin American University,” a role which has placed it in the vanguard of an impressive process of international cooperation for the modernization and decisive expansion of higher education in the Hemisphere. The $55 million it has loaned to 71 institutions in 17 countries bear eloquent testimony to an abiding preoccupation of the Bank in its brief years of existence.

Rural sociology had its origin and growth as an academic discipline in the United States. The other social sciences—including general sociology, economics, political science, anthropology and historiography—were mainly imported from Europe and the British Isles. Rural sociology, however, was a United States “export” both to Europe and to Latin America.

This inverse process of diffusion deserves a brief explanation. Why did Rural sociology not originate in Europe? And, conversely, why did it take root in the United States? To answer the first question we may cite the following factors:

1. 1. During the latter part of the nineteenth century when the social conditions of rural people in the United States were critical, Europe was relatively stable. The peasant revolts of the earlier centuries had faded into history, feudalism, in its worst features at least, was no more. There were still agrarian problems, of course, including land fragmentation, but they were not serious enough to cause widespread unrest. Moreover, the restless ones were free to migrate to the New World. Europe, in short, was in the happy condition of being able to export its “problem” mainly to the United States.

“The Time seems to be excellent for promoting close relations I with Latin America,” Franklin Roosevelt wrote Charles Lyon Chandler on February 15, 1936. For Chandler, the most simpático of all simpáticos, his entire active life was the time for the promotion of inter-American relations. As a consular official, author, agent of the Southern Railway, foreign trade manager of the Chemical Corn Exchange Bank of Philadelphia, agent for the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, and college professor, Chandler vehemently and persistently furthered the cause of inter-American understanding and cooperation. Hundreds of his speeches, articles, and his pioneer book also bear witness to his devotion to panamericanismo, as do the honors bestowed upon him by Brazil, Chile and Colombia. Though Chandler's many activities established his place as a precursor and chief prophet of modern inter-American cultural relations, pursued by private corporations, foundations and government agencies, he has not as yet received a just share of the credit accorded those who started the movement for increased cultural appreciation between North and South America. He remains today a splendid example of the forgotten man.

The purpose of this paper is to draw together from primary sources the case history of formative policy years for the Central Bank of Honduras. This bank, like others formed throughout the underdeveloped world in the post-World War II era, was created in 1950 as a vehicle for stimulating economic growth. In retrospect over 186 months of operations this particular Central Bank has an unusually outstanding policy record—a record which argues forcefully for appropriate monetary policy as a stimulant to economic advance.

The first meeting of Central Bank directors was held on May 31, 1950, for the purpose of establishing the major monetary policies under which the Bank would commence operations July 1. At that meeting the directors established a schedule of maximum interest rates to be charged by the public commercial banks and a schedule of rates at which eligible commercial paper of 12 months maturity or less could be rediscounted with the Central Bank.

El autor, que desde hace más de un cuarto de siglo viene participando activamente en reuniones de esta clase, en el terreno de la organización y del derecho municipales y especialmente en las últimas reuniones celebradas por la Asociación Interamericana de Abogados, conocida en los Estados Unidos por la sigla I.A.B.A., no perdería un solo instante en escribir el presente artículo si tuviera la más mínima duda acerca de la utilidad, de la conveniencia y de la necesidad de fomentar, de estimular, de apoyar por todos los medios a su alcance, las conferencias y congresos organizados para estudiar los defectos o las fallas de las instituciones. Sean estos los municipios o los poderes de gobierno, como el poder judicial, para analizar sus causas y buscar los remedios jurídicos o de otra clase, convenientes para subsanarlos, e impulsar de ese modo el perfecto funcionamiento de las instituciones jurídicas, el progreso social, en general, dentro de los moldes del llamado “Estado de Derecho”.

La Proclamación de la República Dominicana el 27 de febrero de 1844 fué la culminación de un esfuerzo de los Trinitarios para J tomar la delantera a la facción que tramaba con los cónsules de Francia en Port-au-Prince y en Santo Domingo la separación del país respecto del poder haitiano con la protección contractual de la nación francesa. Los Trinitarios se anticiparon audazmente en la carrera que paralelamente emprendían ambos grupos, luchando entre sí, con los dos objetivos diferentes: ellos, la independencia pura, y el otro grupo rival (los afrancesados), la independencia mediatizada.

No puede decirse sin embargo que la independencia dominicana fue un parto prematuro. En todo caso se trató de un parto apresurado.

O Brasil ocupa na América Latina urna posição especial, por fôrça de sua formação histórica marcada pelo processo colonizador português e, no plano econômico, pelo potencial de recursos naturais existentes em seu território de 8 milhões e meio de quilômetros quadrados.

A diferenciação do Brasil no conjunto de nações latino-americanas é pouco ressaltada, porque a imagem continental que predomina é a de am conjunto de países caracterizados pelo sub-desenvolvimento.

Os traços de semelhança entre as nações da América Latina são ditados muito mais pelo estágio econômico continental do que pela formação histórica dêsses países, cujo ponto comum é a contemporaneidade de suas etapas coloniais e das lutas que assinalaram a independência nacional de tôdas.

The Lauca River dispute between Chile and Bolivia may seem insignificant when compared to many of the major controversies of the postwar period. The Lauca is a 140-mile long narrow river that has its origin in the Andes of northern Chile and then meanders across the border into the Bolivian altiplano, where, after serving as a water supply to small Bolivian towns, it disappears in salty Lake Coipasa. The potential of the river is minor when compared to that of the Nile, Jordan, Indus, Mekong, Colorado, and many other rivers. Yet, Chile's action in April 1962, of diverting some of the waters to irrigate the small Sobraya and Azapa valleys of her northern desert, which provide food for the port of Arica, has proved to be of serious import.

The dispute has not yet been resolved and has gravely strained relations between Chile and Bolivia. The effectiveness of the Organization of American States has been brought into question, for while the Organization has settled many other disputes since 1948, it has been unsuccessful in this one, and Bolivia has shown its dissatisfaction by withdrawing from the Council several times.

Mounting Anxieties, frustrations, and fears in Brazil effected a change of government by military force at the end of March of 1964. President Joáo Goulart fled to an Uruguayan exile. Congress, urged by the military, conferred supreme executive power on Marshal Humberto Castelo Branco. Many other sweeping changes followed. None was more complete than the about-face taken in foreign policy.

Castelo Branco spoke out early and unequivocally in his regime in favor of a return to more traditional policies. The graduation exercise of the foreign service school, the Instituto Rio-Branco, on July 31, 1964, provided the propitious place and moment for him to outline the foreign policy goals of his government. He paid homage to the ideals consecrated by tradition: world peace, disarmament, selfdetermination, non-intervention, and anti-colonialism. Moving into the more pragmatic realm of national interests, the president emphasized that his government's foreign policy aimed to increase national power through social and economic development.

The stability of Latin America rests essentially on the solution of two interrelated problems—population growth and economic development. A further corollary, and an extremely significant one, will be the social distribution of the benefits accruing from economic betterment. Latin America is both the fastest growing world region in population and also the most advanced (in terms of the death rate, literacy, and per capita income) of the underdeveloped regions of the world. It is also the only region of the underdeveloped world that had evolved from political colonial status prior to World War II. This region, therefore, has had the longest history of endeavoring to solve directly many of the problems that plague the 70 per cent of mankind that lives in the underdeveloped countries.

In the life of Latin American cities the rapid expansion of slum neighborhoods has emerged as a compelling problem. The inability of city authorities to provide adequate and inexpensive housing for rural-to-urban migrants, as well as for those economically poor persons born and raised in the city, has clashed with the tremendous growth of the population and its drive toward urbanization. The impoverished families must settle wherever they can. Scattered throughout Mexico City, for instance, on vacant lots adjoining factories or on the periphery of the metropolitan area are shack homes built of miscellaneous materials, known as jacales, or the rows of single-story concrete, brick, or adobe dwellings called vecindades. Beyond Mexico City, there are the villas miserias of Buenos Aires, the favelas on the rocky promontories of Rio de Janeiro, the barrios clandestinos of Bogotá, the barriadasmarginales of Lima, the ranchos of Caracas, and the callampas (mushrooms) of Santiago.

A Primera Vista, a más de uno y a más de dos, no dejará de extrañarle el título de este trabajo, porque Palma no se dedicó ,a escribir historia sino que concentró su atención en las tradiciones. Él mismo lo dice. En el Prologuito obligado de la quinta serie de sus Tradiciones, hallamos estos versos:

y en Ropa Vieja, (Lima, 1889) añade: “Tonto de capirote será el que se proponga estudiar formalmente historia peruana en mis tradiciones y en cuanto a si altero o no, de vez en cuando, la verdad, eso es cuenta exclusiva mía.. .”. En otro lugar no tiene reparo en decir que ha ganado fama, contando mentiras bonitas y también que “ha hecho de la historia pepitoria”. Y para remate allá van estas líneas que brotaron de su pluma: “Yo no dicto un curso de Historia Nacional. Narro antiguallas como el pueblo y las viejas cuentan cuentos…”.

La poesía que podemos llamar actual en el Paraguay es un hecho en el cual participan las tres promociones surgidas tras la frustración de la generación llamada de Juventud (que desarrolló de 1923 a 1927 una obra signada por un posmodernismo epigonista) y el largo hiato posterior, 1926-1940, justificado por la guerra y posguerra inmediata del Chaco. Un panorama de esta poesía ha de abarcar, por ahora al menos, y mientras las más recientemente surgidas no estabilicen su definición poética, estas tres promociones, todas ellas en plena vigencia literaria. Aunque como es lógico ocupan planos distintos de manifestación, las unifica la común búsqueda de una solución al problema de una expresión vital por largo tiempo demorada.

O Brasil esteve solucionando o grave problema do tráfico negreiro de, pelo menos, 1815 a 1854. Ou seja: do Tratado que Portugal assinou com a Inglaterra em Janeiro de 1815, as medidas práticas que o Brasil adotou em decorréncia da Lei antitráfico de 1850. Nesse decurso de trinta e nove anos, largos e puxados trinta e nove anos, o jovem Brasil passou da condicáo de Colonia para a de país livre, o seu regime monárquico constitucional experimentou os arrancos e desequilibrios da deposigáo de Pedro I, das Regencias Trinas e Unas, dos varios movimentos federalistas, das muitas insurreigoes de escravos e do golpe de Estado que antecedeu a entrega do Trono ao pequeño príncipe D. Pedro. Igualmente, nesse mesmo período, o seu quadro económico se ampliou no sentido da maior complexidade da produgáo agraria e das atividades do comercio. E o poder político afinal definido ficou ñas maos dos senhores de escravos senhores do café, do acucar, do algodáo, do fumo — com a coparticipagáo dos senhores das minas, das fazendas de gado e do alto comercio de exportagáo e importaçáo.

Latin Americanists must be prepared for sudden shifts in the winds of circumstance. Less than ten years ago a gathering of scholars at the Newberry Library in Chicago lamented the lack of support for their disciplines, and drew up an impressive list of tools and monographs needed to advance the field. Presumably the specialists returned to their campuses refreshed by this heady and cathartic experience of thinking adventurously, but they found no change there in the attitudes of their university administrators or the majority of their colleagues, who still believed that Latin America was an area of peripheral value; the professors were not discharged, of course, for they had tenure, but the promise of the early flurry of Latin American area developments that had occurred in the 1940's was not fulfilled.

The great concern with the economic and social development in Latin America has made the issue of land reform a very fashionable subject of discussion. The importance of land reform has been officially acknowledged in South America as well as in North America by the signing of the Charter of Punta del Este, which established as one of the objectives of the Alliance for Progress the ; change in land tenure patterns wherever necessary in Latin America. The widespread acknowledgment of the importance of land reform has not led, though, to general agreement on the consequences of land reform for the process of economic development in Latin America. It would thus seem appropriate to re-examine the effects of large landholdings on economic development.

As indicated by the voluminous professional and popular literature published over the past decade, there is now widespread interest in steps toward economic and political integration on a wide variety of regional and global bases. In this paper I intend to examine some of the issues arising from integration efforts. The geographic and functional bases of current integrational efforts are indeed numerous. It is fascinating to review the many reasons or motivations behind these striking developments of which the Central American Common Market is one important example. The reasons behind these developments are not new to this decade, but rather are the results of a more general concern or awareness of current problems and current possibilities. Attitudes and values are also undergoing changes.

Entre las figuras mexicanas más discutidas resalta el macho, el superhombre del vulgo. Ha sido preocupación de sicólogos, sociólogos, filósofos, historiadores, poetas y hasta folkloristas. Algunos, como el folklorista Vicente T. Mendoza, lo han explicado como fenómeno causado por el clima, o tendencia heredada por los mexicanos de los andaluces. Por otra parte, muchos otros comentadores le han dado al machismo explicaciones basadas en las teorías de Freud. El machismo —se nos dice— tiene sus orígenes en la Conquista, cuando Hernán Cortés y sus conquistadores llegan a México y violan a las mujeres de los aztecas. De este acto de violencia nace el mestizo, quien odia y envidia al padre español y desprecia a la madre india —en ambos casos como resultado de sus complejos edipales.

An international organization is only as effective as the degree of support which its sovereign members are willing to give it. This axiom would probably not be disputed, except for the fact that the word “degree” has the inherent property of evaluation hidden in its meaning. This evaluation, since it deals with the mainstream of a nation's political life, is not capable of purely quantitative analysis. A nation's ideas on sovereignty are involved in international cooperation. Its foreign policy, be it passive, neutral, or aggressive, is certainly involved. Its domestic status in terms of tranquility or violence, poverty or plenty, is deeply involved. A world power is tempted to pre-empt an undue share of the credit for the success of an international organization, especially in the field of conflict resolution. The contribution of a single weak nation is often overlooked, and yet the sum of the weak nations' contributions may conceivably be the balancing factor among irreconcilable giants.