Much recent work (e.g. Hansen 1994) is demonstrating that French schwa is becoming stable in many contexts where it formerly deleted freely. In this paper, I expand on Hansen's study of the new stability of schwa, extending consideration to the lexicalized conditioning of the stability as indicated in four contemporary pronouncing dictionaries of Standard French. This increasing stability also provides evidence for a reanalysis of schwa as underlying /œ/; the implications of this analysis for the distinction between lexical and post-lexical rules are briefly explored.

This article reports on two anglophone teenagers learning French – one exposed to a six-month stay in France, and the other exposed to an instructional environment. The corpus collected from six tape-recorded interviews shows an increase in the number of tokens and lexically distinct verbs produced, and in the percentage of correctly inflected verbs. The subjects' use of correct and incorrect forms supports a rote and rule model of morphology. L2 learners seem to make use of a coalition of resources – primary linguistic data as well as cognitive strategies for grammatical rule formation – to create their interlanguage grammar.

This article presents a synthesis of the sociolinguistic situation of what the authors refer to as the ‘contemporary dialects’ of French in the France of today. The introduction emphasises the methodological and conceptual problems attending any such definition and evaluation, attempting to clarify the complex situation and to identify the various kinds of ‘dialects’, ‘uses’ and ‘speakers’. We then concentrate on the regional ‘dialects’ of French in continental France, urban and rural, and summarise a series of important recent studies, concentrating on local variation. We also distinguish the sociolinguistic situations of the northern and the southern parts of the country. Even though France is known to be a highly centralised country, whose linguistic policy has been aiming at monolingualism for the past two centuries, the article offers some possibly surprising and nuanced results that show more variation than established opinion would generally admit about contemporary France.

Nous montrons dans cet article que les phrases introduites par c'est ainsi que correspondent à deux structures différentes: une vraie clivée avec l'adverbe de manière en focus et un connecteur à sens consécutif, récapitulatif ou illustratif. Nous décrivons le comportement syntaxique et sémantique de c'est ainsi que grâce à une analyse de corpus. Pour rendre compte des emplois connectifs de c'est ainsi que, nous plaidons pour une double hypothèse : d'une part la grammaticalisation, à la fois de l'adverbe ainsi et de la clivée, et d'autre part la lexicalisation de c'est ainsi que.

This study examined how native and near-native speakers of Hexagonal French make reference to future events in a corpus of informal conversations. A concept-oriented analysis reveals that no fewer than 13 different finite verb forms appeared in future-time contexts. A qualitative analysis of the use of the present in future-time contexts in the two portions of the corpus points to similarities in the native-speaker and near-native-speaker use. This analysis contributes to the understanding of future-time expression in Hexagonal French and to discussions concerning near-nativeness in second language acquisition.

:L'enjeu de cet article est, à partir de I'observation du fonctionnement et de la distribution de données orales attestées et d'exemples écrits, de donner un statut autonome à la dislocation et de mettre à jour plusieurs cas de dislocations qui different tant par le statut syntaxique du syntagme disloqué que par l'éventail des relations référentielles qui l'unissent au pronom clitique.

Nous montrons que la prise en compte de la place de l'élément disloqué (avant le verbe / après le verbe), les marques formelles que sont les prépositions, les comportements des différentes catégories grammaticales et les bomes syntaxiques révélées par les subordonnées imposent alors une répartition de la dislocation en trois grands types:

le double marquage d'une fonction syntaxique conjointement effectué par le syntagme disloqué et le pronom clitique qui sont alors coréférents;

les cas de dislocations ou le segment disloqué est adjoint au pronom clitique uniquement de par les différentes relations référentielles qu'il entretient avec le clitique;

les cas de dislocations où l'élément disloqué est adjoint à l'ensemble de la construction verbale car il n'est ni en relation syntaxique avec le verbe, ni en relation référentielle avec le pronom clitique.

Contrary to what is stated in much of the literature which is based in large part on Parisian French, many dialects of French still have long and short vowels (e.g. in Switzerland and Belgium). This study had two aims. The first was to show that Swiss French speakers, as opposed to Parisian French speakers, produce long vowels with durations that are markedly different from those of short vowels. The second aim was to show that, for these two groups, vowel duration has a different impact on word recognition. A production study showed that Swiss French speakers make a clear duration difference between short and long vowels (the latter are more than twice the length of the former on average) whereas the Parisian French do not. In an identification study which used stimuli pronounced in Swiss French, it was shown that words articulated with long vowels created no recognition problem for Swiss French listeners whereas they did so for Parisian French listeners. These results are discussed in terms of models of speech perception and word recognition.

Cellard (1979: 19) avançait de façon quelque peu impressionniste que ‘le passé simple se rencontrait beaucoup plus souvent dans les comptes rendus de rencontres sportives de notre journal que dans toute autre catégorie de textes’. Même si un tel passé perfectif était le vecteur idéal du rapport d'un exploit sportif au déroulement chronologique, la réalité des textes nous offre un panorama nettement diversifié. Une compétition acharnée se joue avec d'autres tiroirs verbaux (passé composé, imparfait, présent) qui, chacun, offre une présentation différente des procès. Après une brève présentation théorique de chaque tiroir, nous entamerons une étude de corpus basée sur des textes de presse francophone. Nous conclurons que le panorama temporel du compte rendu sportif contemporain pourrait résulter de contraintes extra-linguistiques comme le type de publication et l'évolution des médias.

This paper presents a comparative analysis of Australian and French social visits between friends from an interactional perspective. The study focuses on the first few exchanges that take place as the guests come face to face with their host and are ushered in across the threshold and shows similarities, but also significant differences, in the three main elements that are regularly used in these ‘crossing the threshold’ exchanges: greetings, miscellaneous comments (on setting, arrival time, etc), and laughter.

This study presents a variationist analysis of the expression of future temporal reference (variation between the inflected future and the periphrastic future) in a linguistically conservative variety of Acadian French spoken in Baie Sainte-Marie, Nova Scotia, Canada. Results show that Acadian French is distinct from Laurentian French and that the Baie Sainte-Marie variety also differs from other Acadian varieties in some respects. A comparison of the distribution of variants and of the conditioning factors reveals that Acadian and Laurentian varieties have different future temporal reference systems. The Baie Sainte-Marie variety retains vestiges of earlier stages of the grammaticalization of one of the variants, the periphrastic future, not found in other Acadian varieties, thus supporting its characterization as a conservative variety.

In the last thirty years the development of the Cognitive Metaphor Theory (e.g. Lakoff, 1987, 2006; Lakoff and Johnson, 1999) has led to vast research into metaphor. The study of linguistic metaphor was followed by a body of work into pictorial metaphor (Forceville, 1994, 1996) and multimodal metaphor (Forceville, 2007, 2008, 2009). In the present contribution we explore the use of verbo-pictorial metaphors in advertising through a corpus of French print ads. Starting from the claim that adverts serve a persuasive purpose, it will be argued that multimodal metaphor contributes to that purpose. The paper addresses three issues: a) how multimodal metaphors are manifested in the French advertisements; b) how image and text interact in a concrete type of multimodal metaphor in French print advertisements, namely verbo-pictorial metaphor; c) how verbo-pictorial metaphor performs a pragmatic function in advertising.

This cross-sectional study in the acquisition of future temporality by English-speaking L2 French learners presents a descriptive account of the major contrastive features of the expression in futurity in English and French before considering learnability implications. A personal narrative and a cloze task were administered to L2 French learners (n = 34) at three proficiency levels and French native speaker controls (n = 14). Analyses revealed task and proficiency effects, but all learners used a variety of morphological forms to express futurity in their personal narratives, and appear to be acquiring temporal and modal values associated with the future.

This article compares and contrasts two related adverbs, enfin and finalement, in synchrony and diachrony. Both are polysemous in contemporary French, and largely intersubstitutable in many contexts. However, the functional range of enfin is much greater than that of finalement. Evidence is presented for the existence of a division of labour, such that speakers seem to favour finalement for more ‘literal’ functions, i.e. for the expression of temporal sequence, whereas enfin is preferred for more abstract, non-propositional functions. This is attributed to the respective formal properties and degree of grammaticalisation of the two expressions, which can also explain why enfin has developed a vastly greater range of abstract, non-propositional functions than finalement. The argument is supported by diachronic evidence that the functional extension of enfin has gone hand in hand with significant changes in the formal status of the expression, while functional extension of finalement stops at approximately the time when enfin begins to expand its range.

Prescriptive attitudes to language seem to be more deeply engrained in France than in many other speech-communities. This article traces their development between the sixteenth century and the present day within the model of language standardization proposed by E. Haugen and in the light of the notion of ‘standard ideology’ proposed by J. and L. Milroy. It will be argued that early definitions of what was considered ‘the best French’ were based simply on the observed usage of ‘the best people’; later it was felt that the standard required more permanent jusitification, giving rise to the idea that the ‘best French’ was the ‘best’ because it was the variety most closely in line with clarity and reason; a third stage was reached with the French Revolution when this variety of French became mandatory for everyone wishing to be considered ‘French’ and ‘reasonable’. Powerful institutional forces are engaged in promoting and maintaining this ideology in contemporary France, but excessive rigidity in the traditional standard in the face of the alternative norms which exert countervailing pressures on speakers could lead to a sitution of diglossia.

This paper sets out to contribute to the debate on the morpho-syntactic status of phonologically weak or clitic subject pronouns in Colloquial French by discussing finite impersonal constructions in which the expletive subject pronoun is non-expressed. The paper provides arguments against an approach in terms of inflectional affixes, showing that the non-expression of this pronoun is in fact syntactically restricted. On the basis of the further finding that the non-expression of the expletive represents the continuation of a grammatical trait of older stages of the language in which the non-expression of subject pronouns was generally possible, a tentative proposal is put forward which crucially draws on information structure.

Measures of second language (L2) learners’ vocabulary size have been shown to correlate with language proficiency in reading, writing and listening skills, and vocabulary tests are sometimes used for placement purposes. However, the relation between learners’ vocabulary knowledge and their speaking skills has been less thoroughly investigated, and even less so in terms of pronunciation. In this article, we compare vocabulary and pronunciation measures for 25 Italian instructed learners of L2 French. We measure their receptive (Dialang score) and productive (vocd-D, MTLD) vocabulary size, and calculate the following pronunciation indices: acoustic distance and overlap of realizations for selected L2 French vowel pairs, ratings of nasality for ratings of foreign-accentedness, fluency metrics. We find that vocabulary measures show low to medium correlations with fluency metrics and ratings of foreign-accentedness, but not with vowel metrics. We then turn our attention to the impact of research methods on the study of vocabulary and pronunciation. More specifically, we discuss the possibility that these results are due to pitfalls in vocabulary and pronunciation indices, such as the failure of Dialang to take into account the effect of L1-L2 cognates, and the lack of measures for evaluating consonants, intonation and perception skills.

L'insertion des pronoms ce et çα, reléguant le SN qui occupe originellement la position sujet en position disloquée, peut engendrer une interprétation générique de ce SN sans néanmoins exercer systématiquement cet effet. Le présent article offre une explication de ce problème en faisant le départ entre les propriétés inhérentes aux pronoms ce et çα et les propriétés qui résultent de leur insertion dans un contexte propositionnel déterminé. L'examen de la gamme des articles pouvant introduire le SN générique dans une construction de dislocation au moyen de ce ou çα met en lumière une contrainte surprenante: l'article le, tout en s'accommodant d'un nom massif, s'allie difficilement à un nom comptable. Cette différence distributionnelle entre les SN génériques ‘le + N comptable’ et ‘le + N massif’ trouve son origine dans une différence entre leurs valeurs respectives: alors que celui-là opère une réduction de l'extension à une entité individuelle, celui-ci appréhende l'extension comme un ensemble.

Avec pour point de départ le fonctionnement de la variation dans le français d'Europe, et son ancrage dans l'histoire et dans les sociétés contemporaines, cet article est organisé en deux parties: 1) une présentation bibliographique raisonnée de travaux qui, faisant ou non appel au concept de variation, décrivent des phénomènes variables du français contemporain qui se voient investis dans des associations régionales, sociales ou stylistiques; 2) une réflexion critique, qui déborde nécessairement la sociolinguistique du français, sur l'intérêt et les limites de la notion de variation pour saisir les dimensions de variabilité et d'hétérogénéité dans une langue.

This paper examines the phonological structure of French rhotics and their treatment in a production grammar. Assuming emergent featural specification, it is argued that the underlying representation of /ʀ/ contains only values for sonorance, continuance and place of articulation. Grammatical analysis is undertaken in an Optimality Theoretic framework, where evaluation highlights the effect of effort reduction and perceptual augmentation on /ʀ/, also demonstrating that more richly specified segments are unaffected by these constraints. The proposal is shown to be compatible with antecedent analyses and data from regional forms and registers.

This article outlines the diglossic approach to intra-speaker grammatical variation (Ferguson 1959), wherein speaker-hearers acquire two grammars which are socio-stylistically distinct – one H(igh), the other L(ow) – but linguistically related (to the extent that users regard them as the same language), and then engage one or other of them (but do not mix them) in their active productions. It then sets out how a case could be made for such a model to capture variation in contemporary France, in place of the variationist model which envisages a single, flexible grammar, e.g., the bipolarity, strength and non-random nature of the sociolinguistic H–L distinction, the differing pattern of acquisition of H and L forms, the tendency for L forms to encroach on H terrain (rather than vice versa), and the internal coherence of each of the H and L varieties. Finally, the article sketches the politico-moral dimension to the debate, extending beyond scientific objectivity, and relating to the treatment of non-standard linguistic behaviour in context of the socio-cultural status of the standard.