At the end of 1983, after a long and bitter political struggle, the Swedes adopted a system of wage earner funds. The five regionally-based funds are directed by boards dominated by employees. Using funds transferred to them by government, they invest in Swedish companies, primarily by buying shares on the stock market. The fund scheme will enable employees collectively to own about 10 per cent of Swedish business by 1990. They could control far more. Only experience can determine the impact of this new form of social ownership. But possibly the Swedes have found a socially and democratically appealing means of retaining the advantages of a market system while integrating social and economic forces.

While it remains a diffuse field of enquiry, political psychology has established itself as an important approach to the analysis of political life. In the United States, political psychology is offered as an optional programme in a number of leading graduate schools and is a recognized subfield of the American Political Science Association. Despite the existence of a number of active political psychologists in Canada, there has been relatively little curiosity about the status of the field. This article offers an account of research in the field. Central to this exploration is an evaluation of the ideological, cultural and substantive research in political psychology in Canada.

Abstract. Constitutional scholarship has been exploring the idea that the court and the legislature engage in a dialogue over the meaning of the constitution. Yet, despite many contributions to the idea of dialogue over the last decade, its potential remains unfulfilled. The epistemological potential of dialogue remains understudied, in part because the court continues to be viewed as the supreme, if not also the sole, expounder of the constitution. For dialogue's potential to be realized, the legislature should be acknowledged as a co-ordinate actor in expounding constitutional meaning and both court and legislature should assume a disposition for dialogue.

Résumé. La littérature en matière constitutionnelle explore l'idée que la cour et le législateur s'engagent dans un dialogue sur le sens à donner à la constitution. Cependant, malgré les nombreuses contributions à l'idée du dialogue au cours de la dernière décennie, son potentiel ne s'est pas épanoui. Le potentiel épistémologique de l'idée du dialogue demeure sous-étudié, en partie parce que la cour continue d'être considérée comme étant l'entité suprême, sinon la seule entité, qui puisse développer le sens de la constitution. Pour que l'idée du dialogue puisse être actualisée, le législateur devrait être reconnu comme étant un acteur complémentaire à la cour pour développer le sens de la constitution et tant la cour que le législateur devraient être disposés au dialogue.

This article proposes a historiographical analysis of the franco-quebecois political science on Indigenous peoples. Political science participates in representing social realities of populations that, in the present case, have been historically marginalised. It is thus critical to understand the processes that underlie its production and diffusion. By exploring the political circumstances that impacted the development of research on Indigenous peoples, we conclude that franco-quebecois scholars have built a field of study that is distinct in terms of its volume, tone, and recurring themes. In particular, we suggest that the study of the place of Quebec within Canada shaped and eclipsed that of Indigenous peoples in the province. Finally, we situate the contributions and limits of franco-quebecois political science with respect to Indigenous peoples. In so doing, we uncover some of the most significant dynamics in the development of Canadian political science in this area of study and provide indications for future research in the field.

Contracting out of rent control is possible if the tenant's right to a controlled tenancy is made legally transferable, thereby allowing the landlord to decontrol the property by purchasing the right to a controlled tenancy. This article outlines the basic features of contracting out and compares three forms of contracting out with vacancy decontrol. It argues that one form of contracting out may be much more politically feasible than other methods of decontrol because of the way it distributes the benefits of decontrol between landlords and sitting tenants.

Abstract. The polities of Canada and the United States are purportedly engaged in the process of value convergence; however, with regard to the legitimacy of foreign military intervention, divergence seems a more apt characterization. This research explores whether the current discord between Canada and the US reflects an aberration, or a realization of entrenched normative differences, over what justifies the use of military force. A series of regression models tests the hypothesis that justice considerations prompted the military interventions of both the US and Canada during the Cold War. The results herein fail to confirm this hypothesis, and in the process highlight the ways in which each country employed ‘justice’ selectively in the service of broader foreign policy objectives.

Résumé. Les constitutions politiques des États-Unis et du Canada sont supposées tendre vers des valeurs communes; cependant, en ce qui concerne la reconnaissance de la légitimité des interventions militaires à l'étranger, la divergence semble être une caractérisation plus juste. Cette recherche explore si le désaccord actuel entre les États-Unis et le Canada reflète une certaine aberration ou la réalisation de différences profondément ancrées, concernant la justification de l'utilisation de la force militaire. Une série de modèles régressifs teste l'hypothèse selon laquelle des considérations de justice ont provoqué les interventions militaires des États-Unis et du Canada durant la guerre froide. Les résultats infirment cette hypothèse, et soulignent, en même temps, les façons dont chacun des deux pays a employé la “ justice ” de manière sélective pour servir des objectifs plus vastes de politique extérieure.

Le présent article propose une analyse des transformations récentes de la laïcité française, observées à partir d’un changement dans la hiérarchisation des différentes normes laïques. Après un retour sur le dispositif juridique et historique de la laïcité et sur son interprétation comme « libéralisme ambigu » (Jean-Pierre Machelon), nous mettons en lumière le rapport particulier qu’elle entretient avec l’islam. Une deuxième partie est consacrée à la période 2002-2012 et particulièrement à l’action politique de l’ancien ministre de l’Intérieur puis Président de la République Nicolas Sarkozy. Nous reconstruisons trois étapes de transformation : de la « nouvelle laïcité » à la « laïcité falsifiée » en passant par la laïcité dite « positive ».

This presidential address on Canada and the study of territorial politics makes four main arguments. The first is that territory is a central component of politics, especially of Canadian politics, and that it should remain a focal point of specialists of Canadian and comparative politics. The second is that territory matters in contemporary politics because it serves as grounding for political communities, their claims, and their politics. The third is that not “identifying” parts of Canadian politics as “territorial politics” risks overlooking the importance of territory in the theorizing of federalism, nationalism and regionalism. The fourth is that, through the case of Canada, political scientists have made significant contributions to the study of comparative territorial politics.

In this research note, we document the extent to which negative beliefs about women's capacity to hold public office are widespread in Canada. Using a list experiment, our results demonstrate that many Canadians believe that men are “naturally better” leaders than are women and that women are “too emotional” and “too nice” for politics. While some groups are willing to explicitly own these views when asked directly about them (for example, older people, men, those who are more conservative and religious), others are unwilling to do so unless social desirability is mitigated (for example, younger people, left-leaning). By overcoming concerns with social desirability, we show that women still face explicit, often sexist, barriers in political work.

We propose a new, unified approach for comparative research on citizens’ satisfaction with democracy (SWD). It starts with a well-specified individual-level model of the considerations citizens draw upon when answering the SWD survey question. Then we specify the relationship from contextual factors (especially institutions) through these individual-level mediating considerations and on to the SWD attitude. Multilevel structural equation estimation is applied to a merged dataset of European Social Survey (ESS) and country-level contextual data. The results add solidity to theoretical and empirical findings that citizens’ judgments of democracy are driven mostly by policy outputs and lived experience and not much by institutional variation or its political consequences.

We regret that the originally published paper (Cochrane 2010) did not contain the author's proof corrections. We apologize for this oversight and reproduce the entire corrected paper here.

This research note examines the undefined meaning of the government's obligations to ensure “continuity of constitutional government” (CCG) as provided for in section 4(l) of the Emergency Management Act, S.C. 2007, c. 15 (Canada, 2007). Specifically, that section gives the minister of public safety and emergency preparedness the responsibility for “establishing the necessary arrangements for the continuity of constitutional government in the event of an emergency,” but the term is itself undefined. The article will canvass the origin of the term and its relationship to other so-called continuity of government (COG) concepts, along with some legal written opinion on what the term might in practice mean, should the minister ever be charged with discharging this responsibility. It will conclude with some final thoughts on the relevance of the CCG concept to the current pandemic. Given that the COVID-19 virus has infected Sophie Grégoire Trudeau, the prime minister's wife, forced a drastically reduced and possibly “virtual” federal Parliament, placed the British prime minister in intensive care and led to the self-isolation of many world leaders, the topic is relevant to Canada in 2020.

Discussion of the issue of the welfare effects of direct, as compared with indirect, taxes have been greatly clarified by the recent contributions of Mr. Little and Professor Friedman. Both of them show that the usual method of using indifference curves to prove the superiority of income tax over sales tax makes “no overt reference to marginal costs. Yet it is well known that nothing can be proved without some such reference.” They employ an alternative mode of analysis which is designed to take account of conditions of cost of production.

Before the appearance of their articles, Professor Boulding showed the comparative welfare effects of proportional, progressive, and regressive income taxes by the use of indifference curves. His conclusion is that, even if the same amount of revenue is exacted, an individual is better off under a proportional than under a progressive income tax and still better off under a regressive one. Friedman questions the validity of Boulding's result because he thinks Boulding is one of those who base their arguments on a fallacious proof, although Friedman does not set out his criticism in detail. Since Boulding's results, if valid, are of great significance and since the weak point of his analysis cannot be derived directly from Friedman's contributions, it is the purpose of this paper to show the limitations of Boulding's conclusion, which, if known, would deprive it of much of its generality and usefulness.

To understand the effect of the war upon the Canadian economy it is first necessary to examine briefly the position of the country on the eve of the struggle. By the midsummer of 1913 Canada had come to the end of a long period of expansion and prosperity. For seventeen years the country had been engaged in the construction of the immense capital facilities which stimulated and resulted from the rapid settlement of the Prairie Provinces. The construction of transcontinental railways, the building of new cities and towns in Western Canada, the improvement of waterways and harbours, and the provision of machinery and equipment for nearly 200,000 new farms constituted an uniquely large proportion of the total economic activity of the country. In 1912-13, nearly one-fourth of all the labour and productive facilities of the economy was either directly or indirectly engaged in the production of capital goods. The employment of these resources could not, of course, be financed entirely out of the current savings of Canadians. Much of the money was borrowed abroad. About one-half of the total capital invested in Canada during the pre-war wheat boom came from foreign sources. In 1913 capital imports rose to more than $500 million, a figure equal to almost one-fourth of the national income. Such huge external borrowings could not be continued indefinitely. The money was obtained from abroad for the purpose of enlarging the export capacity of the country and it was necessary at some time to slow down expansion to enable the use of the facilities for the production of increased exports.

British post-war experience constitutes the best case yet available for study of a conscious government policy of combining full employment and price stability within the framework of free collective bargaining. In this paper, a few of the unresolved problems inherent in a full-employment economy are examined in the light of British experience. The hard core of the problem of full-employment price instability is the difficulty of restraining demands for higher wages, not because labour is less “responsible” than other sectors of the economy, but because wages constitute the largest single item both of costs and of income. It is therefore interesting to determine whether British governments have produced a wage policy which could compress wage demands within the limits say, of the productivity of labour. Has any principle (other than uninhibited self-interest) provided a new orientation to the process of collective bargaining? Has collective bargaining with a fully employed labour force in Britain disturbed the traditional constancy of distributive shares to capital and labour and if so, what was the impact of this, in turn, on economic reconstruction? What, in general, has been the rationale of trade unions in the environment of full employment? Britain has attempted to discover answers to these problems. Only by knowing these answers can we intelligently appraise the policy of maintaining full employment.