This article presents a corpus of all the published marine style material known to the author, and references to a proportion of material known but not yet published. It is arranged by site, and within each site by shape in the same order of motifs. A descriptive analysis of shapes is presented.

According to Linear B texts from Knossos, the sheep which the palace kept for wool were far too numerous to have been reared from recorded flocks of breeding ewes. The wool flocks are dominated by castrated males (wethers) but also include ewes, yearlings, old sheep and ‘deficits’. Following Killen, deficits often occur as round numbers and so represent sheep not returned to the palace rather than losses through natural deaths. Moreover, most flocks have no deficits, implying that inevitable losses were made up by the herders to whom the flocks were entrusted. This paper examines the association of different categories of sheep among the wool flocks and the nature of legible amendments to texts. It is argued that ewes, yearlings and old sheep were all substituted for wethers, which herders removed in large numbers, perhaps for feasting or sacrifice. Herders were thus responsible for both culling and replacing palatial wool sheep, while the palace was primarily concerned with the collection of wool.

In the past it has often been assumed that, although rental of real estate in Classical Greece was relatively common, sales of such property were not. This article challenges that assumption by looking in detail at a small group of inscriptions from Olynthos in the Chalkidiki, which date to the first half of the fourth century and record transactions involving houses in the city. By analysing these documents in conjunction with their archaeological contexts, it becomes evident that there was a systematic set of criteria by which such properties were valued, and that a premium was placed upon larger houses and those located close to the agora, at the centre of the social and political life of the city. This adds a new dimension to the emerging picture of the increasing use of the house as a symbol of personal prestige during the fourth century. The limited evidence available from Athens and the Attic deme centres suggests that Attic town houses had a comparable range of values and that a similar shared concept of value may therefore have been operating. It thus seems that in the case of town houses, at least, sufficient properties were changing hands for potential purchasers to have a shared concept of their value, and this may indicate that families moved between different areas of a settlement, or between different settlements.

This catalogue is offered as a tribute to the great British epigraphist to whom this volume is dedicated. Since it consists chiefly of inscribed bases which have lost their sculpture, it may serve as a kind of appendix to studies of archaic Attic funeral monuments, in particular to the two monumental works by Dr. G. M. A. Richter, Kouroi and Archaic Attic Gravestones. I have listed the inscriptions, where possible, under the area of Attica whence each is known, or thought, to have come, and added brief lists of any archaic sculpture which is certainly or possibly (a) from these areas and (b) funerary. Obviously, many inclusions in both lists may be wrong. Stones stray as far as cats or pigeons do, and have no homing instincts. Some of the sculptures listed may have been dedications. But it seemed advisable to risk including the unlawful rather than excluding the lawful, provided that the uncertainties were made clear. Even after one has allowed for all the probabilities of error, the statistics produced from these combined lists yield some general conclusions that are not without interest. They are discussed at the end of the lists.

In the sites excavated by me in West Greece at Polis, at Graves near Astakos, at Halikais in Zakynthos, I cannot differentiate the rough pithoi of the Early and Late Bronze-Age. Lug forms which occur in Macedonia and Thessaly in the Early Bronze-Age appear to be still in use in the Late Bronze-Age. At Graves and at Halikais the specific forms of the Early Bronze-Age, levigated pottery, such as sauce-boats and handles with triangular section are not in common use in Mycenaean deposits. (Middle Bronze-Age forms and decoration do overlap into and influence the Mycenaean period.) I have therefore catalogued together all the rough pottery found at Polis, except a few vases which are definitely Mycenaean in shape, and then ascribed the remaining vases to their categories. There is very little levigated EH pottery at Polis and it seems likely that much of the rest of the EH pottery is late or transitional to the Middle Bronze-Age. The only pure (or nearly pure) Middle Bronze-Age deposit yet found in Ithaca is the small one at ‘P., First hole’, but the presence of the Middle Bronze-Age people in West Greece is proved by graves in Kephallenia and Leukas, and no doubt their settlements will eventually be discovered.

This article seeks to construct a life table for the population of Athens during the Lycurgan period (338–322 BC). The total male citizen population in their twentieth year or above is mentioned in literary texts, and the number of ephebes in their nineteenth year can be calculated from the inscribed ephebic catalogues. The conclusions are that the total citizen population of Athens, male and female, may have been about 58,000, the average age at death was 54.11 years, and the growth rate was slightly more than 0.5 per cent.

An account of an accidental discovery in a built tomb at Menemen of Anatolian Late Bronze pottery together with imported Mycenaean III pottery and bronze objects, including the fragment of a decorated sword. The associations and implications of the material are fully discussed.

Thasos must be one of the best-known, archaeologically, of all Greek colonies, so it is something of a paradox that the material evidence for its foundation and earliest days is far from satisfactory. We have no early graves, and, until 1960, there was no evidence from any very early settlement either. True, in more than one sanctuary it is assumed that the finds go back (in general terms) to the beginning of the life of the Parian colony, but none of this material is demonstrably earlier than c. 650, a time which is very generally thought to be about a generation later than the foundation of the colony. So even quite recently it was possible to write ‘It seems likely that it was founded from Paros by about 680 B.C. … The earliest pottery which can be dated is Corinthian and Rhodian, none of it much earlier than the mid seventh century.’

This paper examines the representation of soldiers on a painted papyrus from el-Amarna, recently acquired by the British Museum (EA 74100). Features include helmets and short-cropped oxhide tunics; these can be paralleled in representations from the Aegean, suggesting that the painting may show figures wearing boar's tusk helmets and Mycenaean-style tunics. This interpretation of the battle scene argues that the Egyptian iconographic repertoire included depictions of Mycenean features. This adds to the evidence for direct, rather than indirect, contacts between the two cultures.

Among the vast amount of pottery yielded from the Late Bronze Age settlement of Ialysos (Trianda) on Rhodes, 233 samples have been selected for chemical analysis by means of Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) at the Bonn Laboratory. Thus, a rather comprehensive new data-base for pottery assemblages from Rhodes and other related production centres has been provided. Further evidence has been also suggested for the local mechanisms of pottery production and the patterns of continuity and changes from the LM IA, through to LMIB/LH IIA and LH IIB-III A1 to LH III A2/LH III B1 periods, in both the intra site and inter site relations of the island with Minoan Crete, the Greek mainland, the Argolid, Cyprus, and other eastern Mediterranean sites.

The study sets the basis for further studies towards the identification of the rather complex system of the society of Ialysos and its interaction with some other yet unknown centers in the Aegean during the early stages of the Bronze Age and throughout the periods of the Minoan and Mycenaean expansion.

A relatively rare type of bronze votive dedicated at Greek sanctuary sites in the second half of the 8th cent, BC depicts a female seated side-saddle on a horse. Examples have been found at only four sites, primarily in the Peloponnese: three come from sanctuaries in Arcadia, one from Olympia, and one from Samos. At 7th- and 6th-cent. sanctuaries in the Peloponnese, the type in terracotta is more frequent, but it never becomes particularly common as a votive. In the Aegean, the depiction of female riders seated side-saddle can be traced back to the Late Bronze Age; the type was probably originally inspired by models from the Near East. A similar pattern is found on Cyprus. Male versions of riders seated side-saddle are known from LBA sites, and the type reappeared in the late 8th cent. BC. The evidence suggests that the similarity between the Geometric bronze type and LBA examples was a result of memories of the significance of the female rider that survived in Arcadia through the Dark Age.

In 412 B.C., when the Peloponnesian War had reached its most critical stage for Athens after her Sicilian losses, Chios and Erythrae revolted from the Athenian League and appealed to Sparta for armed assistance. This was sent, despite Athenian attempts at interception, and the revolt spread up and down the Asia Minor coast. The Athenians reacted quickly, sent ships to Samos, recaptured Lesbos, and opened operations against Chios by raiding the countryside near Chios town. A hostile Chios with her war fleet constituted the major threat to Athenian interests in the East, and stronger measures, which might also provide more permanent security, were needed. Thucydides tells (viii. 38, 2) how the Athenian ships ‘crossed from Lesbos to Chios with armed force, and, in command of land and sea, fortified Delphinion, a place strong on the landward side, served by harbours, and not far distant from Chios town’.

The first excavations at Palaikastro, undertaken in the years 1902–6 by Bosanquet, Dawkins, and others, coincided with the first great period of research and discovery in Minoan Crete. They ran concurrently with Evans's early seasons at Knossos and with Hogarth's work at Zakro, not far from Palaikastro, and were in a true sense pioneer work. The series of reports which appeared in the Annual from 1901/2–1905/6, together with the later supplementary volume of Unpublished Objects and two final articles prepared for publication by various hands, built up a systematic and clear picture of one of the largest and perhaps the best preserved Minoan settlement yet excavated in Crete.

The work was undertaken on a major scale, in the third season employing up to seventy workmen for nearly three months. It produced evidence for occupation in the area from the Neolithic to the end of the Late Minoan period, with a continuing cult of Dictaean Zeus from Geometric down to Hellenistic and Roman times. In addition some careful anthropological work was done, and the phases of occupation were tied in with those of the other Minoan sites known at the time.

The statuette of a centaur at Plates 8–9 was found during excavations at Lefkandi in Euboea, conducted by the British School at Athens during last summer. Standing 36 centimetres high, it is among the earliest representations of a centaur yet known from the Aegean area, and the largest of terracotta centaurs. Its outstanding interest seemed to the authors to call for a more detailed publication than the normal brief preliminary account of the excavation and its finds.

It has an unusual archaeological history, suggesting that it was a valued object before it was eventually buried in a cemetery at Lefkandi. This cemetery, which lies on a small hill called Toumba, overlooking the modern fishing village of Lefkandi, was an unexpected discovery. Trials were made during 1969 in this vicinity in the hope of finding the Submycenaean and Early Protogeometric settlement which went with the nearby cist graves. The virtual absence of remains of this period on the main town site of ‘Xeropolis’ had led to the belief that at this time the inhabitants may have temporarily moved to the Toumba area, a smaller and more easily defensible hill and one with a natural supply of water. However, our trial there found not the settlement we hoped for, but another cemetery.

By adopting the chaîne opératoire approach as a dynamic theoretical and methodological framework for studying ancient technologies, this paper investigates the modalities behind the appearance of the potter's wheel in the Aegean during the Early Bronze Age II (c. 2550–2200 bc). Based on the comparative examination of ceramic assemblages from different Aegean sites, an extended technological study has been carried out in order to track the earliest wheel-made pottery and reconstruct the craft behaviours perpetrated by the use of the potter's wheel across the Aegean. The paper presents the results of this multi-site study and aims to (a) trace out the wheel-based technological traditions, (b) explore the contexts of the learning and transmission of the new tool, (c) shed light on the connectivity among Aegean and western Anatolian communities that enabled the transfer of the new craft knowledge, and, finally, (d) bring into view the mechanisms behind its emergence and appropriation. By considering technologies as representing an entire social system of knowing, perceiving and acting on the material world, it will be argued that the spread of the potter's wheel in the Aegean does not reflect a moment of linear diffusion of a technological innovation, adopted thanks to certain techno-functional advantages. Instead, it discloses the resilience of social identities and values embedded through the practical engagement of individuals in the production of their material culture. The potter's wheel, in fact, emerges as a socially and culturally mediated practice, specific to small groups of potters trained within a technological tradition of Anatolian origin, performing their craft in the Aegean socio-cultural milieus. Furthermore, its transfer reveals a multidirectional and dynamic crossing of material cultures that designated a navigable world where traditions, objects and people travelled, mixed and merged in unpredictable ways.

The site lies on the north-west side of the Bay of Pólis (Fig. 1), in a gash on the hillside where rock has fallen away, leaving a sheer face on the south of the site and the débris of undercliff on the north. The sea lies to the east and the entrance to the site on the north is blocked by fallen rocks (Fig. 3). Its position with regard to the other excavations round Stavrós in North Ithaca can be seen on the general plan of the area (Fig. 2 of the preceding article); our Fig. 2 shews the steep hill-side round the site.

The cave was accidentally discovered by the proprietor Louisos when digging a pit for a lime-kiln. Schliemann found the excavation in progress in 1864, but did not realize its importance.

Strzygowski, in his short account of the ninth-century church of the Dormition at Skripou-Orchomenos, made no mention of the evidence for a contemporary screen. Some of the fragments were visible in his time, for they had previously been recorded, though not published, by Barnsley. It was not until 1932 that the character of the screen was first made known by Maria Soteriou's study of the building, in which three of the marble fragments surviving from it were illustrated. The repertory of ornament used on these fragments was seen to be identical with that employed on the string-courses and cornices of the church itself, which left no doubt that the screen was an integral part of the building erected by the protospatharius Leo in 873/4. More recently, Professor Grabar has contributed an invaluable study of the style of ornament with which both church and screen were enriched.

The purpose of this paper is to make available the full osteological record of the human bones found in a small room of a late Minoan Ib house at Knossos (Stratigraphical Museum site), of which about a third bear knife marks suggesting that flesh had been cut from them. It presents the physical situation, finds, and their contexts. Part I describes in detail the stratigraphy and distribution of the finds, II sets out the osteological record, III analyses in more detail the skulls and mandibles and their evidence for age, IV summarizes reasons for the treatment of the bodies and bones, and considers the condition of the human individuals at death, and V concludes with some comparative evidence.

The fifth excavation season at Palaikastro is reported. The principal discoveries are a floor deposit of the EM III/MM I A period, a well stratified sequence of levels from the MM II A to MM III B/LM I A periods, floor levels of the LM II and LM III AI periods, and a floor deposit of the LM III A2/B period with storage jars and a bull's head rhyton. Also noteworthy are the discovery of mason's marks on the N facade of Building 5, and fragments of the finest example of painted plaster found at Palaikastro. S. Hemingway reports an important group of metalworking artefacts from a LM III A2/B deposit.

The system is described in detail with reference to the first stone-by-stone plans and photographs of the interior. An analysis of function concludes that the main aim of the system when constructed in Middle Minoan IIA was to drain the Central Court; this remained its primary function until at least Late Minoan I. During the great building programme of Middle Minoan IIIA, the system was expanded to serve new Light Wells, with further additions before the south part of the drains was blocked sometime during Late Minoan I. Next, a stone U-shaped channel was installed to allow the north section to function; the destruction of Late Minoan IIIA:2 is likely to have caused the final blockage of the system.