This paper covers the remaining districts of Laconia which have not been described in the last Annual, as well as the islands of Kythera and Antikythera. We include a Chronological Table, Distribution Maps, and a short summary. Abbreviations used are the same as for Part I.

Gythion and Cranae:

So far no prehistoric remains have been discovered on the acropolis at Gythion, although the south and east terraces are covered with classical and Roman pottery. On the island of Cranae, however (Plate 18a), obsidian is plentiful, and recently a considerable quantity of L.H. III sherds (of rather poor quality) has been found. The island measures about 300 metres east to west and 100 metres north to south, and the prehistoric settlement seems to have occupied about half of this area. There is now very little depth of soil, except in the vicinity of the small Turkish fort in the centre (Plate 18a). The amount of Mycenaean pottery indicates a fairly important site, such as the Homeric story of the flight of Paris and Helen from here might lead us to expect (Il. iii. 443–6). It is likely that there was also some E.H. occupation, since some of the coarse ware appears to be handmade.

References to rural buildings mentioned in inscriptions are analysed, particularly the records of the temple estates of Delian Apollo on Delos, Rheneia, and Mykonos. It is concluded that, against earlier interpretations, none of the vocabulary employed in the leases necessarily implies residence. Evidence from other leases confirms this. It is suggested here that buildings referred to as oikiai were not primarily residences, but centres of agricultural activity, according to season.

Contexts recently excavated by the BSA in the Roman stoa at Sparta contain pottery dating from the 12th to early 14th centuries. The bulk of the material dates to the first half of the 13th cent., and demonstrates that certain styles of pottery decoration, once considered to be mainly 12th-cent. in date, continue in currency much longer. These contexts show that Champlevé (Morgan's ‘Incised ware’) decorated with animal motives in the tondo are companion pieces of Glaze Painted (Morgan's ‘Green and Brown Painted group V’) and late Slip Painted wares. The descriptively (but confusingly) named ‘Protogeometric’ style of plainware decoration is also one that remains in currency. Cooking-vessels are almost exclusively handmade, in a very coarse fabric evocative of so-called ‘Slavic’ pottery of the 7th cent., with which it may well be confused. Table amphoras (stamnia) and small pithoi are often decorated with a distinctive incised decoration, making handles and body sherds of this usually nondescript and conservative shape particularly identifiable and diagnostic.

A pilot project was carried out to assess the frequency of surviving fingerprints on Early Minoan pottery and to assess the quality of the prints. Two pottery assemblages, from the Ayia Kyriaki tholos and Myrtos Fournou Korifi settlement, were examined. Almost fifty sherds/vessels (out of nearly 20,000) were found to carry a total of 154 prints, but the majority were of poor quality. Of the thirty clear prints, however, fourteen had five or more ridge characteristics, including one example with as many as twelve. It is suggested that kiln assemblages might yield both more and better preserved prints.

We resumed work on March 23, 1903. The headquarters of the expedition were again at Angathia. Mr M. N. Tod, Assistant-Director of the School and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, had preceded me, going overland. Mr W. L. H. Duckworth, Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge, and University Lecturer in Anthropology, and Mr R. McG. Dawkins, Scholar of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, arrived a few days later. Mr C. T. Currelly, of Victoria College, Toronto, who had been digging for the Egypt Exploration Fund under Professor Petrie, joined us for the last six weeks of the season.

The Roussolakkos trenches being full of water, I decided to start work at Kouraménos on a bay 1½ miles further north, where in 1902 I had seen the foundations of a wall running inland from the sea, enclosing the best part of the plain at the head of the bay and rejoining the sea half a mile beyond. It seemed possible that this was the wall mentioned in the Toplu inscription (Dittenberger, Sylloge2, ii. 929) as enclosing the precinct of Dictaean Zeus, the more so as large blocks were visible on rising ground near the sea. It proved however to have been a τέμενος only in the Homeric sense of an enclosed estate. The excavation gave us the ground-plan of a Mycenaean farmstead, described in detail below (p. 329) by Mr Tod and Mr Dawkins.

The date of the first contact of the Greeks with the Western Mediterranean is very difficult to determine from literary sources. It is as old as the Theogony and probably as old as the Odyssey; but there is, as yet, no general agreement as to the date of either of these sources. Many historians still assume that it began, if not with the foundation of the Greek colonies in Sicily, at least with that of Cumae. These colonies, they maintain, were planted solely as a means of solving the problem of over-population in old Greece, in areas suitable for the production of corn, and without commercial intent. Whence came the necessary geographical knowledge and how the sites were chosen is seldom clearly stated, if it is stated at all. We are left with vague suggestions such as a preliminary expedition of exploration or ‘Traditional Survival’ of geographical knowledge based on Minoan, Mycenaean and Nostoi voyages, any explanation, in fact, that will save the historian from the natural assumption that the western colonies were planted in areas previously reached by Greek commercial enterprise.

Despite the amount of textual material surviving from classical Greece, our knowledge of the household has remained limited because of the selectivity and orientation of those texts. In this paper, archaeological remains of late 5th- to late 4th-cent. houses are explored in order to shed light on aspects of domestic relations that recur most frequently in the sources: the relationship between male and female household members, and the way in which this was reinforced through the organization of the domestic environment. The traditional picture of a house divided into male and female areas is an over-simplification of a complex pattern of social relationships. A broader approach focuses on interaction between men and women, rather than on women's activity in isolation. The resultant, more detailed model for gender relations offers a glimpse of variability through space and time in how relationships were expressed spatially, and suggests the possibility of differences in the relationships themselves at different levels of the social hierarchy.

In the past it has often been assumed that, although rental of real estate in Classical Greece was relatively common, sales of such property were not. This article challenges that assumption by looking in detail at a small group of inscriptions from Olynthos in the Chalkidiki, which date to the first half of the fourth century and record transactions involving houses in the city. By analysing these documents in conjunction with their archaeological contexts, it becomes evident that there was a systematic set of criteria by which such properties were valued, and that a premium was placed upon larger houses and those located close to the agora, at the centre of the social and political life of the city. This adds a new dimension to the emerging picture of the increasing use of the house as a symbol of personal prestige during the fourth century. The limited evidence available from Athens and the Attic deme centres suggests that Attic town houses had a comparable range of values and that a similar shared concept of value may therefore have been operating. It thus seems that in the case of town houses, at least, sufficient properties were changing hands for potential purchasers to have a shared concept of their value, and this may indicate that families moved between different areas of a settlement, or between different settlements.

Pausanias' date (371) for the foundation/synoikism of the federal Arkadian capital, Megalopolis, is preferable to Diodorus' (368). But the process was spread over several years, beginning soon after the Battle of Leuktra. Diodorus' source here was not Ephorus but the ‘chronographic source’ from which Diodorus derived other material about city-foundations, synoikisms etc. The ‘battle’, after which Diodorus says the city was founded, may in the chronographer have been Leuktra itself rather than the ‘Tearless Battle’ of 368. There are no good military or political objections to the suggested dating, which avoids the need to postulate two Arcadian federalists called Proxenos, both active and prominent at much the same time.

According to Linear B texts from Knossos, the sheep which the palace kept for wool were far too numerous to have been reared from recorded flocks of breeding ewes. The wool flocks are dominated by castrated males (wethers) but also include ewes, yearlings, old sheep and ‘deficits’. Following Killen, deficits often occur as round numbers and so represent sheep not returned to the palace rather than losses through natural deaths. Moreover, most flocks have no deficits, implying that inevitable losses were made up by the herders to whom the flocks were entrusted. This paper examines the association of different categories of sheep among the wool flocks and the nature of legible amendments to texts. It is argued that ewes, yearlings and old sheep were all substituted for wethers, which herders removed in large numbers, perhaps for feasting or sacrifice. Herders were thus responsible for both culling and replacing palatial wool sheep, while the palace was primarily concerned with the collection of wool.

170 copper-based objects from various sites in mainland Greece covering the Late Neolithic period and the whole of the Bronze Age have been analysed for their chemical content (twelve elements) by atomic absorption spectroscopy. The results indicate that at all sites during the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age relatively pure copper and arsenical copper were used, while during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages bronze dominated. Bronze objects of the Early Bronze Age were probably imported. Lead was not usually used to help casting. Metallographic examination of eight Late Neolithic, Early and Late Bronze Age hammered objects revealed that they have been cold-worked and annealed, most probably through several cycles.

Two seasons of fieldwalking were undertaken in the environs of the city of Praisos in Eastern Crete in 1993 and 1994. This is a preliminary report on the results. The topography of the area is described, as are the survey methods used. Finds include sites of FN/EM I date; MM ‘megalithic’ structures and one possible sanctuary; few remains of Neopalatial date. Attention is concentrated on the LM III, PG, G and Orientalising periods which saw a movement of settlement from the refuge settlement of Kypia above Kalamafki to Praisos itself. The urban survey of 1994 indicates that Praisos was a considerable settlement well before the Classical period, and there seems to be some overlap in the periods in which Kypia and Praisos were occupied. Further work was also undertaken on the Classical and Hellenistic periods in the Praisos area. Later periods have proven more difficult to pin down through analysis of their surface remains.

An account of an accidental discovery in a built tomb at Menemen of Anatolian Late Bronze pottery together with imported Mycenaean III pottery and bronze objects, including the fragment of a decorated sword. The associations and implications of the material are fully discussed.

This article seeks to construct a life table for the population of Athens during the Lycurgan period (338–322 BC). The total male citizen population in their twentieth year or above is mentioned in literary texts, and the number of ephebes in their nineteenth year can be calculated from the inscribed ephebic catalogues. The conclusions are that the total citizen population of Athens, male and female, may have been about 58,000, the average age at death was 54.11 years, and the growth rate was slightly more than 0.5 per cent.

This article examines the methods of surface treatment of the Neolithic vessels from northern Greece. The work is based on the study of a large sample of ceramics, covering the whole span of the Neolithic, from Macedonia and Thrace. Macroscopic study of the material was complemented by microscopic examination (SEM and petrographic analysis) and retiring tests. The results are compared with data from other technological analyses of Neolithic vessels from northern Greece. Apart from identifying, in some cases for the first time, methods of surface treatment and materials used by the potters of these regions, the present study considers the changes in surface treatment and firing techniques through time.

In the sites excavated by me in West Greece at Polis, at Graves near Astakos, at Halikais in Zakynthos, I cannot differentiate the rough pithoi of the Early and Late Bronze-Age. Lug forms which occur in Macedonia and Thessaly in the Early Bronze-Age appear to be still in use in the Late Bronze-Age. At Graves and at Halikais the specific forms of the Early Bronze-Age, levigated pottery, such as sauce-boats and handles with triangular section are not in common use in Mycenaean deposits. (Middle Bronze-Age forms and decoration do overlap into and influence the Mycenaean period.) I have therefore catalogued together all the rough pottery found at Polis, except a few vases which are definitely Mycenaean in shape, and then ascribed the remaining vases to their categories. There is very little levigated EH pottery at Polis and it seems likely that much of the rest of the EH pottery is late or transitional to the Middle Bronze-Age. The only pure (or nearly pure) Middle Bronze-Age deposit yet found in Ithaca is the small one at ‘P., First hole’, but the presence of the Middle Bronze-Age people in West Greece is proved by graves in Kephallenia and Leukas, and no doubt their settlements will eventually be discovered.

Among the vast amount of pottery yielded from the Late Bronze Age settlement of Ialysos (Trianda) on Rhodes, 233 samples have been selected for chemical analysis by means of Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) at the Bonn Laboratory. Thus, a rather comprehensive new data-base for pottery assemblages from Rhodes and other related production centres has been provided. Further evidence has been also suggested for the local mechanisms of pottery production and the patterns of continuity and changes from the LM IA, through to LMIB/LH IIA and LH IIB-III A1 to LH III A2/LH III B1 periods, in both the intra site and inter site relations of the island with Minoan Crete, the Greek mainland, the Argolid, Cyprus, and other eastern Mediterranean sites.

The study sets the basis for further studies towards the identification of the rather complex system of the society of Ialysos and its interaction with some other yet unknown centers in the Aegean during the early stages of the Bronze Age and throughout the periods of the Minoan and Mycenaean expansion.

Thasos must be one of the best-known, archaeologically, of all Greek colonies, so it is something of a paradox that the material evidence for its foundation and earliest days is far from satisfactory. We have no early graves, and, until 1960, there was no evidence from any very early settlement either. True, in more than one sanctuary it is assumed that the finds go back (in general terms) to the beginning of the life of the Parian colony, but none of this material is demonstrably earlier than c. 650, a time which is very generally thought to be about a generation later than the foundation of the colony. So even quite recently it was possible to write ‘It seems likely that it was founded from Paros by about 680 B.C. … The earliest pottery which can be dated is Corinthian and Rhodian, none of it much earlier than the mid seventh century.’

In 412 B.C., when the Peloponnesian War had reached its most critical stage for Athens after her Sicilian losses, Chios and Erythrae revolted from the Athenian League and appealed to Sparta for armed assistance. This was sent, despite Athenian attempts at interception, and the revolt spread up and down the Asia Minor coast. The Athenians reacted quickly, sent ships to Samos, recaptured Lesbos, and opened operations against Chios by raiding the countryside near Chios town. A hostile Chios with her war fleet constituted the major threat to Athenian interests in the East, and stronger measures, which might also provide more permanent security, were needed. Thucydides tells (viii. 38, 2) how the Athenian ships ‘crossed from Lesbos to Chios with armed force, and, in command of land and sea, fortified Delphinion, a place strong on the landward side, served by harbours, and not far distant from Chios town’.

The first excavations at Palaikastro, undertaken in the years 1902–6 by Bosanquet, Dawkins, and others, coincided with the first great period of research and discovery in Minoan Crete. They ran concurrently with Evans's early seasons at Knossos and with Hogarth's work at Zakro, not far from Palaikastro, and were in a true sense pioneer work. The series of reports which appeared in the Annual from 1901/2–1905/6, together with the later supplementary volume of Unpublished Objects and two final articles prepared for publication by various hands, built up a systematic and clear picture of one of the largest and perhaps the best preserved Minoan settlement yet excavated in Crete.

The work was undertaken on a major scale, in the third season employing up to seventy workmen for nearly three months. It produced evidence for occupation in the area from the Neolithic to the end of the Late Minoan period, with a continuing cult of Dictaean Zeus from Geometric down to Hellenistic and Roman times. In addition some careful anthropological work was done, and the phases of occupation were tied in with those of the other Minoan sites known at the time.