¹ BSA xiii (1906–7) 222. Recent finds, JHS lxxvii (1957) suppl. 12 and lxxviii (1958) suppl. 10. Gythion was said to have been founded by Herakles and Apollo (Paus. iii. 21. 8).

² BSA xiii. 223, cf. SMC 221. In 1957 five more fragments were collected.

³ Some are in the Gythion Museum (cf. JHS lxxvii, suppl. 12). The following L.H.III sherds were found on the surface in 1957:

Several fragments of short-stemmed Kylikes and Stemmed Bowls, with monochrome paint inside and out, or unpainted. Clay is usually soft. Also two sherds from plain long-stemmed Kylikes, and the rim of an Alabastron (L.H. IIIA–B). Most of the sherds are L.H. IIIB (or very nearly IIIC). Some fragments of coarse pithoi and bowls of micaceous fabric are probably L.H.

⁴ BSA xiii. 231–2.

⁵ Op. cit. 232.

⁶ The dimensions of this mound (No. 1) are 28 m. E.–W., by 21 m. N.–S. and 5·0 m. high. No. 2 (50 m. east of No. 1) is E.–W. 32 m., N.–S. 26 m. No. 3 (100 m. SE. of No. 2) is E.–W. 20 m., N.–S. 19 m. The heights of Nos. 2 and 3 are about 6 and 5 m. respectively.

⁷ BSA xiii. 224–5.

⁸ Roman remains, op. cit. 228–9. Classical to Byzantine surface pottery in 1957.

⁹ Nearly 2 km. from Gythion on the Areopolis road is a well on the right where the road bears left before descending to the shore. Here a track branches right, and 1¼ km. along it is a narrow ‘pass’ between two low hills. This is Stena. The vases were found by boys a little to east of the ‘pass’, at a place where the track had caved in over a hollow, possibly a tomb. Sherds of classical (and earlier?) date are abundant on the southern of the two hills. The vases were recovered and presented to the Museum at Gythion by the Demarch of Gythion, on whose land they were found.

¹⁰ We are indebted to Mr. Christou for permission to publish these vases.

¹¹ These are the ‘two sherds of Protogeometric pottery’ reported in JHS lxxvii, suppl. 12.

Fig. 2(a). Neck-handled Amphora. Complete except for rim and base. H. (preserved) 0·227 m. Maximum w. 0·17 m. Orange-buff clay, hard and fairly well fired. Light buff slip on interior, and on exterior as background to pattern. The rest is covered with streaky black paint, showing brushmarks. Shape and pattern are common. For shape cf. Kerameikos iv, Taf. 33, Inv. No. 1071 (Grab 34), and Protogeometric Pottery pls. 2–3. For pattern (Fortetsa no. 5 g) cf. Protogeometric Pottery pl. 38, 10 from Artemis Orthia.

Fig. 2(b). Hydria. Profile complete except for base. H. (preserved) 0·14 m. Max. w. 0·13 m. Buff clay and slip. Matt black paint with zigzag in light brown paint (cf. a sherd from Daimonia illustrated in Part 1). For shape cf. AM lii (1927) 47, Abb. 27 (from the Amyklaion). For decoration (pattern Fortetsa no. 4 n) cf. Protogeometric Pottery pl. 38, 1, 3, and 14.

The style of both vases appears local, perhaps with Attic influence (but probably indirect), cf. Protogeometric Pottery 288. The glaze is not shiny as is normal in Laconian Protogeometric; but cf. op. cit. 284, ‘the paint … does not invariably have the metallic look’.

¹² A length of 0·32 m. is preserved in fragments (in very bad condition) in Gythion Museum.

¹³ It is the southernmost of the small chain of hills which border the Vardhounia plain on the east.

¹⁴ Not very far from the site of the Protogeometric ‘tomb’ at Stena, described above. Two cavities in the lower NW. terraces of the hill looked very like the remains of other chamber tombs.

¹⁵ The sherds are L.H. IIIB, and possibly also L.H. IIIC (early). Mostly from Kylikes and Deep Bowls, usually with monochrome paint on the interior and streaky linear band decoration on the exterior. The paint is lustrous but not well applied, and the style appears provincial, as at Cranae above.

¹⁶ The doorway of No. 3 has the remains of a façade similar to that observed on a chamber tomb at Leuktro in Messenia described in BSA lii (1957) 234.

¹⁷ Nos. 4, 5, 6, and 7. The conjectural positions of other tombs are marked? on Fig. 3.

¹⁸ Nos. 1, 2, 4, and 5. In the back wall of 4 is an entrance to a network of narrow tunnels.

¹⁹ Marked ‘Post-Mycenaean Tombs’ on Fig. 3. The dimensions of two of these, selected at random, are 4·0 by 3·0 m. and 5·0 by 3·0 m. respectively. The walls are about 3·0 m. high.

²⁰ Marked ‘Tholos Tomb?’ on Fig. 3. The original height may have been over 5 m.

²¹ Valmin, , Bull. Lund, 1927–1928, 20–39 and pl. xii.Google Scholar

²² E.H.: many sherds from Sauceboats and Shallow Bowls of ‘yellow mottled ware’ (Zygouries Class A II), very similar to those from the Helos plain (Part 1). One sauceboat has zigzag decoration below the rim in added white (cf. PAE 1951, 84 and fig. 9, from Raphina in Attica). Also many fragments of horizontal handles from large jars, of a shape like Asea fig. 81 and Tiryns iv, pl. x, 4. The biscuit is thin, and the clay coarse, with fine grit added.

L.H. III: mostly from monochrome painted Deep Bowls (L.H. IIIA–B). A pithos-rim resembles those from Asteri and Karneas illustrated in Part 1.

²³ BSA xiii. 232–4.

²⁴ Op. cit. 232. Better described as ‘ashlar’, BSA xii (1905–6) 275.

²⁵ Op. cit. 274–5, Pl. iii and fig. 3.

²⁶ BSA xiii. 232.

²⁷ On closer inspection the ‘L.H. III sherds’ mentioned in BSA li (1956) 170 prove to be enigmatic.

²⁸ The headland of Ageranos, a short distance to the north, is probably the ancient Arainos, where the tomb of Las was said to be (Paus. iii. 24. 10).

²⁹ BSA xiii. 234.

³⁰ Op. cit. 235.

³¹ BSA xiii. 256–7.

³² ‘E.H. II’ rims of a gritty and micaceous fabric, similar to Eutresis fig. 146, 5, and Asea fig. 82 g.

³³ The profiles of the bases are visible as dark streaks in the soil, but the tops have been crushed in. Fragments of bones and pottery are visible within the pithos sections.

³⁴ Burr, , Die Tontafeln von Pylos und der homerische Schiffskatalog (1958) 73Google Scholar, conjectures that te-te-ra-ne in An 12(1) is Teuthrone (cf. Documents 185–6). But this seems a little far from the scene of operations.

³⁵ BSA xiii. 256–7.

³⁶ The floor is of white plaster, and the lower part of the walls is lined with white marble. The walls themselves are entirely made of tile courses with cement bonding.

³⁷ A geological note is given by Philippson, , Der Peloponnes i. 225.Google Scholar

³⁸ Strabo viii. 367; cf. Pliny, , NH xxxvi. 18(29). 135.Google Scholar The quarries were first identified by Bursian, , Über das Vorgebirg Taenaron (AbhBayrAk vii.³ (1856)) 773 ff., esp. 789 ff.Google Scholar

³⁹ BSA xiii. 252–3. The road shows as a white scar in the middle distance on Plate 19b, running left to right.

⁴⁰ One sherd with a cable pattern is from a pithos of the same micaceous fabric as found at Mavrovouni (above), and other Laconian sites. Other sherds are of gritty fabric similar to those from Teuthrone (above) and Elaphonisi (below).

⁴¹ The site is marked ‘Classical Site’ on Fig. 5. The quarry is visible near the extreme right of Plate 19b in the middle distance, a little to right of the chapel.

⁴² BSA xiii. 245–6.

⁴³ BSA xxv. 342–6; Wace, , Mycenae 29–31Google Scholar, figs. 49–50; BMCat (1927) 14–31 (esp. figs. 22 and 24); Bossert, , AltKreta (1923), nos. 204 a and b, 205 a.Google Scholar

Tentative reconstructions of the façade have been proposed by Wace, in Γέρας Ἀ. Κεραμοπούλλου (1953) 310–14, and Marinatos, , in AE 1953–1954, 11–24Google Scholar; cf. JHS lxi (1941) 14–16, and Mylonas, , Ancient Mycenae (1957) 89 and pl. 26.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ AE 1889, 154 and pl. vii, 20 (L.H. II ?).

⁴⁵ The following objects on view in the Heraklion Museum are very probably of Antico Rosso:

Knossos

Standard talent weight (PM ii. 650–1, fig. 635); L.M. I ?

‘Font’ (PM iii. 26, fig. 13; iv. 935–6); L.M.

Pedestalled lamp (Isopata Tomb, Pr.T 150, figs. 126 and 127, pl. xcviii, nos. S. 15–16); L.M. I–II.

Pseira

Lamp (Pseira 36–37, fig. 17); L.M. II ?

Palaikastro

Two-pedestalled lamps (Palaikastro 139–40, figs. 119B and 121A); L.M. III.

Probably Antico Rosso are the lamps from the Royal Villa (PM ii. 404) and the South-east House (PM i. 429).

⁴⁶ Fragment of funnel-shaped rhyton, BSA xxv. 183–4, fig. 36. Presumably L.H.

⁴⁷ Part of funnel-shaped rhyton, Asine 377–8, fig. 347 (on right). L.H. II or III.

⁴⁸ Wace, , Mycenae 137Google Scholar, says ‘it is said to come from near Tiryns’. But there is so far no evidence of the mining of Antico Rosso there in antiquity.

⁴⁹ There are several objects of Antico Rosso listed in the Sparta Museum Catalogue (SMC Index p. 216, s.v. ‘Rosso Antico’). Particularly interesting are reliefs of the Dioscuri, nos. 14b, 291, 467, and 581. Most of the objects are of the 1st cent. B.C. and 1st cent. A.D.; no. 28 is said to be of the 2nd cent. B.C. For the Roman working of the quarries we have the authority of Strabo (viii. 367). There are also many worked and unworked fragments of the stone in the Tainaron district. In Kitta thin slabs were used to cover a Roman grave (seen in 1956), and there are several pieces at Caenepolis and in the region of Kouno (where Roman coins were found, BSA xiii. 244–5).

⁵⁰ The Mediterranean Pilot (iii (1919) 66) calls it ‘the best natural port in the Gulf of Kalamata’.

⁵¹ BSA xiii. 239. The region between Las and Oitylos is fertile and well watered, and should be investigated for further sites.

⁵² Paus. iii. 25. 10. BSA x (1903–4) 160–1.

⁵³ In 1956 remains of squared poros blocks and fluted columns were to be seen on the left (west) of the new motor road from Areopolis to Limeni, about 200 m. south of the bridge over the ravine between Oitylos and Kelepha. (N.B. there are no remains earlier than Venetian on the hill of the fort of Kelepha, cf. BSA xii. 261 and fig. 4.)

⁵⁴ JHS lxxvii, suppl. 10: ‘Christou notes that the lower part of the north wall of the church of Ayia Marina in the modern village of Oitylos probably belongs to a temple or the defence wall of the ancient city’.

⁵⁵ Built in 1248 by William II de Villehardouin, the fourth Frankish prince of the Morea.

⁵⁶ The name Tigani (‘frying pan’) is extremely appropriate. The promontory shields the deep bay of Mezzapo from south and south-west winds, rendering it a tolerable anchorage. On the neck of the promontory are some medieval saltpans laid on the flat rock (constructed in a grid, with tiny partition walls about 10 cm. high and cemented floors).

⁵⁷ Cf. BSA xiii. 243.

⁵⁸ The Franks relied on the numerous cisterns which they built on the summit. But an excellent spring rises near the revma at the root of the headland.

⁵⁹ Tower D is not so well preserved. It cannot now be determined whether or not the gap to the east of it is ancient.

⁶⁰ The walls have undergone repair (Frankish?), and only the lower courses retain the ancient stonework in position.

⁶¹ Cf. the walls of Geraki in Part 1. The stonework does not seem careful enough to be of classical or Hellenistic workmanship. It is certainly not Frankish since (in contrast to wall r) wall p contains no mortar. It is not, in any case, connected with the Kastro.

If the wall is Mycenaean, it could be compared with the walls of Gla in Boeotia.

⁶² This is due to the intense weathering here. There is a certain amount of rough medieval pottery visible, of a coarse fabric, with flecks of white grit, and also a tantalizing class of softer reddish fabric which is almost certainly far older.

⁶³ Three shallow steps have been cut in the rock at a point where the road turns to ascend a steep gradient. Holes have been cut here in the sides of the steps, presumably to house the ends of stakes which secured the gravel surface of the road.

⁶⁴ BSA loc. cit.

⁶⁵ To the parallels Woodward mentions (loc. cit.), viz. Oitylos, Kipoula, and Tainaron, we may add the Turkish ‘Skardamoula’ for Kardamyle, (BSA lii (1957) 252).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Paus. iii. 25. 9. Identified by Woodward, (BSA xiii. 244–5)Google Scholar, who found sherds ranging from Laconian Geometric to Hellenistic.

⁶⁷ Sherds from stemmed bowls (1956), probably L.H. III, but too worn for precision; and some hand-made fragments resembling E.H. from Kotrones.

⁶⁸ i.e. connected by local tradition with Helen of Troy (cf. the Bridge at Xerokambi—Part 1). This is the hill observed by Leake, (Morea i. 287Google Scholar, and Peloponnesiaca 175).

⁶⁹ See Fig. 7. More classical sherds in 1956 confirmed Woodwards finds.

⁷⁰ There is good water at Kounos and Kipoula, and the area is a catchment. Curious confirmation of this is given by a local belief that there was once a lake here.

⁷¹ BSA xiii. 243.

⁷² The district is now called Στέρνες, and Tainaron itself is or

⁷³ BSA xiii. 249–53.

⁷⁴ Fermor, Leigh, Mani 135Google Scholar, describes the modern Maniote This is indeed sufficiently claustrophobic, but apparently lacking in purely archaeological interest; while it has the disadvantage (for ancient and modern alike) of being difficult of access.

⁷⁵ It is north-west (not west) of the cave entrance. The blocks seen by Woodward on the north side have now disappeared.

⁷⁶ My own estimate (R. H. S.), using a steel tape, was 20 m. N.–S. by 17 m. E.–W. The last figure is, however, very uncertain, since the rock cutting merges with the shingle of the ravine at this point.

⁷⁷ Hellenistic tombs were recorded here (BSA xiii. 248).

⁷⁸ Leigh Fermor (loc. cit.) speaks of a (reported?) temple of Poseidon ‘on the high rocks between Porto Kayio and Cape Matapan’, ‘on the emplacement of one to Apollo in Mycenaean times’. Exact details of both temples would indeed be welcome!

⁷⁹ BSA lii (1957) 231–59; additional details in AJA 65 (1961) 221 ff.

⁸⁰ JHS xv (1895) 36–41 and 71–74.

⁸¹ Op. cit. 74. They are certainly not Mycenaean, as Dörpfeld had thought.

⁸² A kilometre to the south, in the eroded cliffs of the west bank of the Eurotas, are some remains of house-walls of small stones accompanied by classical black-glazed pottery.

⁸³ Some of the coarser sherds could belong to E.H.; while the pithos burials must be M.H., if they are not Mycenaean.

⁸⁴ Paus. iii. 21.3 and cf. 1. 4–5 and 26. 2.

⁸⁵ JHS xv. 46.

⁸⁶ ADelt x (1926) parart. 41–44; cf. JHS xlvii (1927) 257.

⁸⁷ ADelt loc. cit.

⁸⁸ Ibid.

⁸⁹ These comprised: an electrum seal, with indecipherable design; a sealstone, not engraved; 25 beads of glass paste; about 25 spindle whorls of hard stone in varying colours; a figurine of ‘phi’ type (and another?); a bronze spearhead.

Most of these objects may be observed, albeit with some difficulty, ibid. fig. 3.

⁹⁰ Eight alabastra; 4 bowls of varying shapes; a tankard; 2 shallow cups; 4 kylikes; a piriform jar; 3 Jugs (one of them side-spouted); 5 stirrup-vases; 2 amphoriskoi; and a pilgrim flask (shoulder design Fig. 8c, 3).

⁹¹ Ibid. fig. 2; cf. MP xxxvi. 23–27.

⁹² AJA xlii (1938) pl. xxi, 6.

⁹³ Cf. MP fig. 53, 16 and 17.

⁹⁴ Chron MP 55 and 63.

⁹⁵ Cf. MP fig. 50, 19.

⁹⁶ A Delt x. 44.

⁹⁷ Woodward's, statement in JHS xlvii. 257Google Scholar that there are ‘two similar tombs, and one smaller, not far distant’ is presumably an error (unless he merely meant to indicate traces of other chamber tombs). His report contains other mistakes, i.e. ‘dromos 4 m. wide’ (it is in fact 2·10 m.) and ‘a triangular relieving space was left by the makers over the entrance’ (which is not true). The report also mentioned ‘a fine Bügelkanne with an octopus design’ and a sealstone ‘with the subject of a horse’. These do not figure in Karachalios’ report.

⁹⁸ Loring, , JHS xv. 36 ff.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Cf. Leake, , Morea i. 128–30Google Scholar; Ormerod, , BSA xvi. 62–68.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Herodotus iv. 145–50; cf. Tsountas, , AE 1889, 134–6.Google Scholar But Allen, , The Homeric Catalogue of Ships (1921) 77Google Scholar, shows that there are grounds for attributing the ‘Minyan’ foundations in Triphylia (Herodotus iv. 148) to the 7th cent.

¹⁰¹ BSA xvi. 62; cf. BSA lii (1957) 242 n. 55.

¹⁰² See Part 1. (Search at Anavryte and Socha has so far given negative results.)

¹⁰³ Tsountas, , AE 1889, 132–6Google Scholar and PAE 1889, 22; cf. BSA xvi. 66–67, and Sotiriades, , PAE 1910, 277.Google Scholar I am very grateful to Mr. M. S. F. Hood for the photograph of Tsountas' tomb, here Plate 21 d.

¹⁰⁴ BSA xvi. 63 (map) and 66; cf. BSA lli. 236 and n. 21.

¹⁰⁵ AE 1889, 134 (the reference to celts is from Professor Wace's unpublished notes); BSA xvi. 66. Hellenistic tombs are reported opposite Goranoi and at Arna. Remains of ancient tombs were seen in 1960 a little west of Gola monastery.

¹⁰⁶ They were discovered in April 1957 by Mr. and Mrs. M. S. F. Hood, and Messrs. D. French and R. Hope Simpson. Sotiriades, (PAE 1910, 277)Google Scholar mentions which implies that he knew of more than two tombs.

¹⁰⁷ The stones are small and unworked, and the three lintel blocks over the doorway are only roughly shaped, although some attempt has been made at regular coursing in the sides of the doorway. The diameter of the tholos was 4·70 m., and the height (preserved) 3·75 m. The doorway is 2·80 m. long, and the dromos is preserved for a length of 2·65 m.

¹⁰⁸ The recorded contents are:

(a) Disordered human bones, including teeth.

(b) Five stone beads.

(c) An agate stone of ovoid shape, unengraved.

(d) A small bronze nail.

(e) A miniature gold relief ornament in the shape of an oenochoe, said to be similar to one from the Menidi Tomb in Attica, (Das Kuppelgrab bei Menidi (1880) pl. v, 10).Google Scholar

(ƒ) A few sherds of vases with plain red paint. These may possibly have been from monochrome-painted Deep Bowls or Kylikes (L.H. IIIA?).

The miniature gold oenochoe might be ascribed to L.H. III.

¹⁰⁹ Loc. cit.

¹¹⁰ This spring appeared of old (within living memory) at least ao m. farther up the river bed. There is also a recently dried up spring, called Skylovrysi, some 800 m. west of the site, at a higher level.

¹¹¹ On the frontier (Hermae, &c.), cf. Loring, op. cit., and Rhomaios, , BSA xi. 137–8Google Scholar; PAE 1950, 235–6; PAE 1954, 270.

¹¹² Paus. viii. 13. 7; cf. JHS lxxvii (1957) suppl. 12 and JHS lxxviii (1958) suppl. 10.

¹¹³ PAE 1954, 270–86; Ergon for 1954, 38–39; 1956, 81–83; 1957, 66–68.

¹¹⁴ AE 1901, 90 and pl. v, 5.

¹¹⁵ PAE 1954, 270–86; cf. BCH lxxix (1955) 254–6 and JHS lxxv, suppl. 10.

¹¹⁶ In BCH lxxix (1955) 254 it is said that two large L.H. I three-handled jars of local fabric were found. If these are the ones illustrated in PAE 1954, 276, figs. 4 and 5, it is possible that the BCH note is in error, since these two vases are quite clearly ‘Palace Style’ (i.e. L.H. II), as stated in JHS lxxv, suppl. 10.

¹¹⁷ Ergon for 1956, 81–82 (cf. JHS lxxvii, suppl. 12); for 1957, 68 (cf. JHS lxxviii, suppl. 10).

¹¹⁸ Ergon for 1956, 82.

¹¹⁹ Fimmen, , Die Kretisch-Mykenische Kultur (1924) 10Google Scholar; cf. BCH xlv (1921) 403. The tombs were excavated by Rhomaios, and five vases from them are displayed in the Tegea Museum. They seem poor, and of ‘provincial’ style.

(1) Small Piriform Jar, of soft buff clay; profile suggests L.H. IIIA date (cf. MP fig. 12, 47 (left)); pattern MP Mot. 76, 1.

(2) Squat Alabastron, of soft orange clay; ovoid shape (as MP fig. 11, 83); remains of pattern on shoulder zone; ?L.H. IIIA.

(3) Small Globular Jug, of buff clay, with traces of linear band at shoulder; ?L.H. III.

(4) Small Jug, of soft buff clay; ?L.H. III.

(5) Tiny Lekythos with pedestal foot; hatched triangles on shoulder zone; and monochrome black matt paint below shoulder zone; ?Late Protogeometric.

The site (called Synoikismos) is on the small plateau above the east bank of the river, about 500 m. NE. of the tombs. Sherds spread over an area 300 m. in diameter. They include L.H. II–III kylikes and deep bowls, and some coarse wares that may be E.H., as well as chips of flint and obsidian. There is some (? late classical) black-glazed pottery. There is an excellent view over the whole of the Tegeate plain, whose edge lies 1 km. to the north.

¹²⁰ Paus. ii. 38. 4–7, and Frazer ad loc.

¹²¹ AA 1927, 365.

¹²² Paus. iii. 10. 6–7; Frazer iii. 305–6 (Route 2).

¹²³ Loc. cit. He also noted signs of Geometric occupation at the citadel of Helleniko overlooking the Thyreatic plain.

¹²⁴ Steph. Byz. s.v. Τύρος; cf. Curtius, , Pelop. ii. 332, 381.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Though objects made of it are not uncommon on Peloponnesian sites; e.g. Malthi (Valmin, , Malthi 336 ff.Google Scholar, and references there), Korakou (Korakou fig. 133, 10 and 11, in a L.H. III context), Asea (Asea fig. 120, all strata), and Zygouries, (Zygouries 199 and fig. 187, E.H.).Google Scholar

¹²⁶ BSA xv. 174.

¹²⁷ Op. cit. 174–5 and fig. 12.

¹²⁸ Contrast Arkines (above) which lies on a route.

¹²⁹ ADelt 1922–5 (parart.) 18 ff. and figs. 1–5.

¹³⁰ So many parallels for both shapes and patterns are given in Furumark's lists that it seems superfluous in most cases to give other references.

¹³¹ Angular Kylix with one handle, now in the National Museum, Athens (Plate 23b). H. 0·105 m., d. of rim 0·12 m., of foot o·06m. Coated all over with dull black. Cf. Zygouries fig. 143, no. 214.

The rest of the pottery was very shattered, but one other shape could be identified—an unpainted Necked Jar like Prosymna 534, from Tomb XXXVI (fig. 282).

¹³² AE 1895, 221 ff.

¹³³ Probably not Mycenaean at all, see Fimmen, , Kretisch-Mykenische Kultur 8Google Scholar and Groppengeisser, , Die Gräber von Attika 4 f.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Present-day Kynouria has far closer and easier connexions with Athens and Nauplia than with any part of Laconia. The only close parallel to the jar from Vaskina (No. 4 above) was found at Pikermi in Attica and is described by Stubbings as unique.

¹³⁵ AE loc. cit.; ADelt 1890, 159; PAE 1893, 12 ff.

¹³⁶ e.g. PT Class A, figs. 67d, 68ƒ, 111g.

¹³⁷ Cf. Eutresis fig. 140. These may have been used for cheese-making.

¹³⁸ Plate 24a, 3. Handle and rim sherd from E.H. cup. Soft buff clay, thick biscuit, paint (if any) worn away.

5. Raised base of small vessel, hard pinky-buff with darker core, central boss beneath.

6. Spring of horizontal loop handle, fabric as no. 3.

7. Ring base of coarse pot showing nail marks, clay pale brick red, slightly micaceous, no paint. There is another base of this fabric with clear finger marks all round the raised ring, showing how it was pulled into shape by the potter.

¹³⁹ Heavy rim sherd of the same fabric as the two E.H. bases above. Two bands of finger-print or rope-pattern. From a large bowl (cf. Eutresis fig. 147 (E.H. II)).

¹⁴⁰ It is regretted that, by an oversight, this settlement has been omitted on the Chronological Table and the Distribution Maps.

¹⁴¹ Polybius v. 20; Paus. iii. 22. 8; Wace, and Hasluck, , BSA xv. 165 and n. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁴² BSA xv. 165.

¹⁴³ BSA xv. 166–7. The fortress measures about 110 m. N.–S. by 60 m. E.–W.

¹⁴⁴ Described in some detail, loc. cit.

¹⁴⁵ BSA xv. 167 (esp. inscribed bronze horse, and retrograde inscription).

¹⁴⁶ with the possible exception of Mari. Search of the high plateau between Kosmas and Pelota in 1958 was unrewarded.

¹⁴⁷ Op. cit. 173–4 (Kyparissi), 167–73 (Ieraka). It is remarked (p. 173) that ‘in spite of the varieties of masonry used, there is no reason to attribute a pre-hellenic origin to the ruins of Zarax’. This remark is almost certainly correct as applied to the existing remains of walling.

It is regretted that we were not able to visit these relatively inaccessible sites.

¹⁴⁸ The tombs are marked on Fig. 10. They were excavated by Mr. Christou and Mr. Oikonomakos. A summary of the results is published in Ergon for 1956, 96–100; cf. AJA lviii (1954) 235 and lix (1955) 226; and JHS lxxvii, suppl. 13. They are also briefly described by Oikonomakos, in (1957).

¹⁴⁹ The classical and later remains are described in BSA xiv. 179–82.

¹⁵⁰ There were sherds from plain Kylikes (one certainly L.H. IIIB) and from monochrome painted Deep Bowls (L.H. IIIA–B). Some of the coarse ware seems pre-Mycenaean. Twenty-two fragments of obsidian were picked up.

¹⁵¹ From the rim of a large Bowl with a horizontal lug handle. Clay coarse and red, surface mottled and highly burnished. Notch on rim. Probably belongs to Weinberg's Class I D (Coarse Monochrome Ware).

¹⁵² Via Geraki, Apidia, and Sikea. Traces of a road are marked on Fig. 10 (‘wheel ruts’). They were first noticed by Leake, (Mona i. 216).Google Scholar The ‘gauge’ of the ruts is the same as that of the stretch between Tsasi and Grammousa (see Part 1), also noted by Leake (op. cit. 194–5).

¹⁵³ BSA li (1956) 170. But when questioned in 1956, he did not recall having found Mycenaean pottery at Monemvasia.

¹⁵⁴ Medieval remains at Monemvasia, , BSA xiv. 176–9.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ BSA xiv. 175–6; xxiv. 146. The ‘Pelasgian’ wall does not appear to be Mycenaean.

¹⁵⁶ BSA xiv. 176; xxiv. 147.

¹⁵⁷ It closely resembles Tomb A at Triadha, Ayia (Ergon for 1956, 97 and fig. 98).Google Scholar There are two well-preserved rock-cut steps leading to a forecourt, off which are chambers to south and east.

¹⁵⁸ BSA xi. 81–90.

¹⁵⁹ Particularly a rim of a large Bowl with finger-print decoration on a cordoned band.

¹⁶⁰ Op. cit. 89–90.

¹⁶¹ E.H.: from rounded rims of ‘E.H. II’ Bowls with plastically moulded and finger-print decorations. L.H. III: part of a krater handle in hard orange fabric, and a fragment from a Deep Bowl with linear band decoration.

¹⁶² Op. cit. 35 f. The pottery would seem to have been lost.

¹⁶³ BSA xii. 270.

¹⁶⁴ BSA xiv. 163.

¹⁶⁵ Loc. cit. Wheel-tracks noted by Leake, (Morea i. 200).Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ BSA xiv. 162.

¹⁶⁷ Loc. cit.

¹⁶⁸ Thick walls of small stones with tile and cement bonding courses. There was a tile relieving arch supporting the foundations at a weak point. Beside the ruin were two column bases, Roman amphora fragments, and a coin of Marcus Aurelius.

¹⁶⁹ Three curving lines in purplish red can be made out on the black; it is hand-made and coarse, and comes from a closed shape.

N.B. The large pithos fragment shown on pl. 4c, 4 of Part 1 is highly micaceous. Another Pithos fragment has a simulated handle in relief, like Eutresis 92, fig. 116, 4.

¹⁷⁰ BSA xiv. 162.

¹⁷¹ E.H.: rims of large bowls with cable pattern below the rim. L.H.: worn fragments from Kylikes and Deep Bowls.

¹⁷² BSA loc. cit. and xxiv. 149.

¹⁷³ JHS lxxvii, suppl. 12. These were found when the track was widened, about a kilometre south of Elea.

¹⁷⁴ Paus. iii. 22. 9–10; BSA xiv. 163–5.

¹⁷⁵ Five sherds of Weinberg's Class IA (Variegated Ware) from open Bowls. One rim is shaped as Part 1, fig. 15, 3 (from Ayios Strategos).

¹⁷⁶ E.H.: rims of ‘E.H. II’ Bowls of micaceous or gritty fabric, with rope patterns similar to those from Tsasi (Part 1 pl. 22a, 8) and Elaphonisi (Part 1, fig. 15, 2).

M.H.: two sherds of Grey Minyan.

L.H. III: sherds from Kylikes and Low-stemmed Bowls.

¹⁷⁷ BSA xiv. 164. Roman tombs, JHS lxxvii, suppl. 12.

¹⁷⁸ Not ‘Katapygi’, as spelled in BSA loc. cit. The name means ‘place of refuge’.

¹⁷⁹ There are also Frankish walls enclosing the summit (for which cf. Geraki), and the foundations of a small (Turkish?) square tower on the north.

¹⁸⁰ Loc. cit.

¹⁸¹ BSA xiv. 165–6 and xxiv. 147–8. About a km. to east of the ravine where the Hyperteleaton has been located, and after the ravine has opened out into the plain of Phloka, there is an abundance of ancient coarse pottery in the fields on both sides of the track to Velies, over an extent of at least 500 by 300 m. Some of the sherds are classical black-glazed. The site is called Pappagenies Daphni. It is less than 2 km. west of Velies.

¹⁸² Loc. cit. It is confirmed that Kastelli is the site of Cotyrta. Recently Hellenic tombs have been found on the slopes leading down to the sea, and a relief of Artemis with a hound was discovered near the village (JHS lxxvi, suppl. 15, fig. 15), together with fragments of terracotta figurines. A BF sherd from the acropolis shows the lower folds of a peplos. It belongs to the last quarter of the 6th cent. A sherd illustrated in Part 1 (pl. 22b, 12), is either late Protogeometric or very early Geometric.

¹⁸³ From a Bridge-spouted Jar or Amphora, with ‘tennis racket’ pattern (MP Mot. 63: Hatched Loop).

¹⁸⁴ A Kylix fragment (Plate 24b, 1), and several fragments from Deep Bowls (ibid. 6–7). 6 has vertical chevrons as MP Mot. 58, 17. One sherd with ‘lattice pattern’ is illustrated in Part 1 (pl. 22b, 8). Another has traces of a panelled pattern, as MP Mot. 75.

¹⁸⁵ BSA xiv. 166.

¹⁸⁶ Loc. cit. It is of river stone, and over 0·10 m. long. It is PT Type A.

¹⁸⁷ Ibid. In Professor Wace's unpublished notes he recorded a small Marble Bowl, 0·11 m. in diameter and 0·06 m. high, of rough workmanship, which might be Cycladic, and a coarse Jug, much broken, with a high handle, and engraved ornament outlined in black.

¹⁸⁸ A walk from Oulendianos Pirgos (marked on Fig. 14) along the coast north to Daimonia gave negative results; although it is possible that a small site may be lurking in the part of the coast south-west of Elika.

¹⁸⁹ E.H.: ‘E.H. II’ rims of Bowls, in micaceous clay. Some have cable pattern decoration. L.H.: e.g. part of the base of a Rhyton (Part 1, pl. 22b, 7) of L.H. I–II date. There were also sherds from Deep Bowls with linear band decoration (L.H. IIIB) and pithos fragments.

¹⁹⁰ The southern group (two tombs) have doorways 1·20 m. wide and chambers about 2·50 m. in diameter. The northern group (three tombs) have similar dimensions, but are less well preserved. The dromoi (if any) have disappeared.

¹⁹¹ BSA xiv. 168–72.

¹⁹² The ‘small enclosure formed by excavations in the rock’ and the ‘quantity of scoriae’ (iron slag) mentioned by Leake, (Morea i. 510–11)Google Scholar are in this vicinity, on the southernmost of three spurs to right of the road (see Fig. 13), where there are also several classical and Hellenistic sherds. The tombs are often in pairs, and one closely resembles the (Hellenistic?) ‘Tomb of the Dioskouri’ at Kardamyle, (BSA lii (1957) 236).Google Scholar

¹⁹³ Marked ‘Tombs’ on Fig. 13. They are dug in soft limestone. The chambers are square or rectangular, with an average maximum dimension of 3 m., and doors approx. 1·50 m. high. No dromoi were visible. Leake called them ‘catacombs’ (op. cit. 511).

¹⁹⁴ Kylikes and Low-stemmed Bowls, some with lustrous monochrome paint (L.H. IIIA?) and some with linear bands (L.H. IIIB). A pithos rim resembles examples from Karneas and Asteri (Part 1, fig. 17, 6–7).

¹⁹⁵ BSA xiv. 168.

¹⁹⁶ Loc. cit.

¹⁹⁷ BSA xiv. 172.

¹⁹⁸ BSA li (1956) 170. The seals were illustrated by Matz, , Die frühkretischen Siegel (1928) 102Google Scholar, fig. 37, cf. p. 66. They are shown here (Plate 27c) by kind permission of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. They were originally purchased by Sir Arthur Evans. Their label reads: ‘Seals of Hittite Form etc., found at Palaeokastro near Baia (Turkish Vatika) opposite the Isle of Elaphonisi or Cervi, Pelopon nese.’ It is to be hoped that this photograph may inspire the publication of further information, opinion, or conjecture concerning the group; and in particular some assurance (or the opposite) that the seals are genuine.

¹⁹⁹ JHS lxxvi, suppl. 15; BCH lxxx (1956) 277.

²⁰⁰ JHS lxxviii, suppl. 10; BCH lxxxii (1958) 714.

²⁰¹ BSA xiv. 167 n. 2.

²⁰² Mediterranean Pilot vol. iv (5th ed. 1918) 80: ‘The northern end of Elaphonisi is low, sandy, with rocky projections, and surrounded by shallow water; it is separated from Petri isle and the sandy point of the mainland on the North (both of which are bordered by banks) by a tortuous channel about a cable in width, carrying about one fathom of water and only fit for boats.’

²⁰³ Leake, op. cit. 508. It may have been similar to those found in the Argolid, (AJA xliii (1939) 78 ff.)Google Scholar, which are of the 4th cent.

²⁰⁴ Leake, loc. cit.

²⁰⁵ Paus. loc. cit.; BSA xiv. 167–8.

²⁰⁶ Op. cit. 509.

²⁰⁷ E.H.: ‘E.H. II’ rims with rounded profile and often with applied decoration. Also bases of Pedestalled Bowls or Sauceboats with raised and hollowed conical profile (e.g. Fig. 15, 4 (= Part 1, pl. 22a, 13), and Fig. 15, 5). The fabric is soft, and there are traces of ‘urfirnis’ paint (cf. bases from Xeronisi and Lekas, South; Part 1, pl. 22b, 11 (= Fig. 15, 13); and fig. 15, 14). L.H.: very worn Deep Bowl handles and fragments from Stemmed Bowls.

²⁰⁸ A rim sherd has slanting incisions (cf. one from Tsasi in Part 1, pl. 22a, 6). A flat base is similar to one from Lerna, (Hesperia xxv (1956) pl. 45ƒ).Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ Deep Bowl handles in soft buff fabric (as at Site B).

²¹⁰ Bowl rims of the same type as on Sites B and C.

²¹¹ Some of these had neatly hollowed bases, and were not necessarily of ‘provincial’ style.

²¹² One is shown in Part 1, pl. 22a, 14.

²¹³ Paus. iii. 22. 11. The city of Boeae was said to be founded by Boios, one of the Herakleidai.

²¹⁴ Ancient sources:

Homer, Il. x. 268: xv. 431–2, 438; Od. viii. 288: ix. 81: xviii. 193 (Aphrodite cf. Homeric Hymns x. 1); Hesiod, , Th. 192Google Scholar, 196, 198 (Aphrodite ); Hdt. i. 82, 105: vii. 235; Thuc. iv. 53–57: v. 14. 3, 18. 7: vii. 26. 2, 57. 6; Xen. Hell. iv. 8. 7–8; Strabo viii. 363; Ptolemy iii. 16. 23; Pseudo-Scylax, , Peripl. 46Google Scholar (Müller, , GGM ed. Didot i. 41Google Scholar); Pliny, , NH iv. 12(19) 56Google Scholar; Lycophron, , Alex. 108 (Skandeia)Google Scholar; Paus. iii. 23. 1; cf. i. 14. 7, 27. 5; Steph. Byz. s.v.

Selected commentaries:

Riemann = Riemann, , Recherches archéologiques sur les Îles ioniennes (1879) ivGoogle Scholar: Cerigo (inscriptions, pp. 42–45; cf. Koumanoudes, , ἈθηναἈον iv (1875) 464–6Google Scholar).

Weil = Weil, , AM 1880, 224–43.Google Scholar

Leonhard = Leonhard, , Die Insel Kythera (1889).Google Scholar

RE XII. i (1924) 207–18.

Benton = Benton, , BSA xxxii (1931–1932) 245–6.Google Scholar

Kasimates = Kasimates, , Ἀπὸ τὴν παλαιὰ καὶ συγχρονὴ Κυθηραϊκὴ Ζώη (1957).Google Scholar

²¹⁵ JHS xvii. 349.

²¹⁶ Frazer, iii. 385–6; Riemann 29–31. The distance between the remains at Kastri-Palaiopolis and those on the slopes of Palaiokastro agrees roughly with the 10 stades (Pausanias, loc. cit.) between Skandeia and Kythera.

²¹⁷ Leake, , Travels in Northern Greece iii. 71–75Google Scholar; Benton 245. Miss Benton's argument is slightly weakened by the fact (as stated below) that the L.M. II Lamp was in fact reported to have been found at Palaiopolis and not at Palaiokastro.

^217a My wife and I wish to record our gratitude to Mr. and Mrs. John Dimick for their support in 1958.

²¹⁸ ‘E.H. II’ rims, as on Elaphonisi. Some have cordons of rope pattern set below the rim.

²¹⁹ Including ‘E.H. II’ rims from Bowls.

²²⁰ Part 1, fig. 17, 11 = pl. 23a, 7.

²²¹ Of poor quality, from Kylikes and monochrome painted Deep Bowls. They resemble the L.H. III from Elaphonisi.

²²² There was presumably always a close connexion between the small ports of Neapolis and Agia Pelagia.

²²³ ADelt i (1915) 191–4.

²²⁴ Op. cit. 191.

²²⁵ It is mentioned by Kasimates (op. cit. 45).

²²⁶ ADelt i. 192, fig. 1.

²²⁷ OpArch vi (1950) 171.

²²⁸ ADelt i. 192 says they are of the shape of Furtwängler, –Loeschke, , Mykenische Vasen pl. i, 3.Google Scholar

²²⁹ Kantor, , The Aegean and the Orient (1947) pl. iv D (p. 8)Google Scholar, classes the tomb as L.H. III.

²³⁰ Mainly plain ‘saucers’, of L.M. I–II appearance.

²³¹ BSA xxxii. 245.

²³² Op. cit. 245–6.

²³³ Ibid.

²³⁴ Sherds from Kastri (1957) included M.M. II–III ‘Kamares’ ware and polychrome, M.M. III light-on-dark, M.M. IIIB–L.M. IA plain ‘saucers’, L.M./L.H. II ‘Palace Style’, and Kylix stems which seemed L.H. III rather than L.M. III.

²³⁵ The tomb was cleared by Mr. Petrocheilou, the headmaster of the Gymnasion at Khora, and the pottery was taken to the Khora Museum.

²³⁶ Two are illustrated here; the third is similar, being of greyish clay (H. 0·034 m.) with traces of linear bands in olive paint.

²³⁷ Apparently the workmen were not so afraid of the ‘demons’ (Riemann, op. cit. 35) as were their forefathers.

²³⁸ Fragments of about twenty were recovered. An eye witness account says that they were arranged in a circle round the sides of the tomb.

²³⁹ Riemann 23–25 and 32–35; Weil 227–8.

²⁴⁰ BSA xxxii. 246.

²⁴¹ Prehistoric sherd distribution shown on Fig. 18. For classical cf. Weil 228. The three southernmost tombs on Asproga (Fig. 18) are Riemann's A, B, and C (Riemann 33). Tomb (C) on Fig. 18 is Riemann's D+E (p. 34), and the same as that in Benton pl. 42a. The niches in Riemann's A, B, and C are exactly similar to those in Fig. 17C here at Elleniko. Weil 227 compared them with tombs at Melos (Ross, , Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln (1845) iii. 10 ff.Google Scholar). They resemble Roman columbaria (Riemann 25). To north of these tombs is a pair of rectangular rock-cut graves, similar to some tombs at Neapolis (above) and also to some at Stymphalos in Arcadia and Kardamyle in Messenia (for the latter cf. BSA lli (1957) 236). They may be Hellenistic.

²⁴² Marked ‘?pithos burial’ on fig. 18 (Middle Minoan?).

²⁴³ Castellan (Riemann 25), travelling in 1797 before the great earthquake of June 1798, saw towers to south of Asproga. The southernmost of the tombs seen by him on Asproga is now likewise covered by the sea. Kythera and its port of Skandeia must have been fortified in the Peloponnesian War, when it was garrisoned by the Athenians in 424 B.C. (Thuc. iv. 53. 3 and 54. 4; cf. vii. 26. 2 (413 B.C.)).

²⁴⁴ Weil 228. The Roman ‘Baths of Aphrodite’ (Riemann 32 and Weil, loc. cit.), to north-east of the Palaiopolis River, are at the foot of Kastri on the south side. The building is of tiles, cement, and small stones.

Doric columns were noted by Riemann (loc. cit.) at Vothonas and near ancient quarries between Avlemon and Kastri (Weil 226) above the ravine of Skaphidhi (Riemann 35). A Corinthian capital is built into a field wall on Kastri, and Ionic capitals and Corinthian columns have been found in the vicinity.

²⁴⁵ Riemann 27, quoting Stais. Local information (1958) agrees.

²⁴⁶ Riemann 35–36; Weil 229.

²⁴⁷ Schliemann, , reported in AJA iv (1888) 96.Google Scholar

²⁴⁸ Weil, loc. cit. Scanty remains of one are visible.

²⁴⁹ The marble pedestal used as an altar in the chapel of Agios Georgios on the summit is obviously moved from elsewhere. It closely resembles Aegina Taf. 66, 4.

²⁵⁰ His investigations (AJA loc. cit. and Zeitschrift für Ethnologie xx (1888) 20 f.) were superficial. He said that two of the columns and one base (sic) were in situ. But the cement floor (not renewed since his day) would make any such observation impossible.

²⁵¹ Weil 230. Riemann 36 describes the place, and records that coins of Philip and Alexander were found here. The bronze head of a girl, seen by Stais in Berlin Museum (Riemann, loc. cit.), and a 4th cent. B.C. marble head of a youth (now in Khora Museum) also came from here, as did fragments of other marble statues.

²⁵² Loc. cit.

²⁵³ The tombs are described by Riemann 38–39.

²⁵⁴ Especially the tomb on the plateau of Tholari (Riemann, op. cit. 38) at which may be prehistoric. It has steps leading down to a small rectangular chamber with smaller chambers on either side, and a chamber of similar dimensions at the back. Seven skulls were found in the main chamber. The tomb is now empty.

²⁵⁵ Riemann 39. Apparently the deep ravine, which now exists between the remains of the channel in two places, was caused by earthquakes—quite possibly by the very severe earthquake of June 1798 (Riemann 29). The broken and rounded hillocks which partially fill the ravine certainly look as if they were the result of a landslip. The district is called Ἀλόη.

²⁵⁶ But the Marble Jug from Vothonas, (AM xvi (1891) 53–54Google Scholar, Athens National Museum No. 3946, cf. Bericht. Berl. Akad. 1897, 265) might have been an heirloom. It much resembles Mochlos pl. iv (Tomb VI, 14). It is possibly E.M. II.

The stone bowl from the Lioni tomb (ADelt i (1915) 192, fig. 1, and PM ii. 208, fig. 117B) is E.C. III, but it was found in a L.H. II–III chamber tomb (Kantor, , The Aegean and the Orient (1947) pl. ivD (p. 8)Google Scholar).

²⁵⁷ BSA xxxii. 245; Furumark, , OpArch vi. 201.Google Scholar

²⁵⁸ The Mesopotamian inscription (JHS lix (1939) 137–8) found at Palaiopolis is dated to the 18th cent. (JNES xvii (1958) 245); and the Inscribed Marble Vase (JHS xvii. 349–50) with the name, in hieroglyphs, of the Fifth Dynasty Sun Temple of the Pharoah Userkaf (JNES loc. cit.) testifies to even earlier connexions with Egypt. Evans (JHS xvii loc. cit.) also mentions as from Kythera ‘a prism seal with a variety of conventionalised pictographic symbols … in company with a lentoid gem of the ordinary Mycenaean type’.

²⁵⁹ Within this period there was also a small settlement at Lioni, and the cave at Ayia Sophia was in use.

²⁶⁰ Cf. Miletus, Trianda in Rhodes, Cos, Phylakopi in Melos, and other sites in the Cyclades (Stubbings, , Mycenaean Pottery from the Levant (1951) 6–8Google Scholar; Furumark, , OpArch vi. 150–271Google Scholar; Scholes, , BSA li (1956) 36–40Google Scholar). Some patterned sherds from Kastri (Plate 28c, 6–9 especially) seem to show mainland influence.

²⁶¹ Especially the Mycenaean figurine (Khora Museum 5 below) and the stirrup-vase (Khora Museum 6 below) from Palaiopolis.

²⁶² ADelt i (1915) 193, fig. 2.

²⁶³ OpArch vi. 171 and 201.

²⁶⁴ iv. 8. 7. Possibly this was another name for Skandeia (so Riemann 31).

²⁶⁵ Pliny, , NH xii (19) 56Google Scholar; Eustathius, Comm. in Dion. Perieg. (GGM ed. Didot ii. 310) and Steph. Byz. s.v.

²⁶⁶ Gray in Myres, , Homer and His Critics (1958) 284.Google Scholar

²⁶⁷ Cf. Dunbabin, , The Greeks and Their Eastern Neighbours (1957) 35 ff.Google Scholar

²⁶⁸ Ancient sources:

Pliny, , NH iv. 12(19) 57Google Scholar: Aigila autem XV (se. milia) a Cythera eademque a Cretae Phalasarna oppido XXV.

Plutarch, Cleomenes 29–32: Cleomenes travels from Gythion to Kythera and thence to Libya and Alexandria via Antikythera

Paus. ii. 7. 7.

Lycophron, , Alex. 108Google Scholar (s.v. Αἴγιλος):

Dionysios 499: (Müller, GGM ed. Didot ii. 134).

Schol. Theocrit. Id. i. 147:

Schol, ad Ptol. iii. 16, s.v.

Modern commentaries:

Leake, , Travels in Northern Greece iii (1835) 75–76Google Scholar; Curtius, , Peloponnes ii (1852) 331Google Scholar; Weil, , AM v (1880) 243 n. 3Google Scholar; Stais, , ADelt 1889, 237–42Google Scholar, cf. 171 and 233–4; RE 1. i (1893) 962 s.v. Aigila 2; Frazer, , Pausanias iii. 52–53Google Scholar; Leonhard, , Die Insel Kythera (1899) 43–47Google Scholar; AE 1902, 145–72 (the wreck off Antikythera).

²⁶⁹ Natives consider the site Venetian, and point out walls of tile and cement on the acropolis. There seem to be no other ancient sites on the island. In particular there is nothing in the small fertile area near the chief village of Potamos on the north.

²⁷⁰ Scranton, , Greek Walls (1941) 54–55 and 162–3.Google Scholar All the examples that can be dated are 5th cent.

²⁷¹ The largest are about 1·20 × 0·80 m. They are comparable in size and shape to some on the acropolis of Palaiokastro on Kythera.

²⁷² The walling seems to belong to Scranton's Group D. 2, ‘Isodomic Ashlar; Quarry Face, Somewhat Irregular’ (Scranton, op. cit. 175). These are the walls described by Stais, , ADelt 1889, 238–9.Google Scholar

²⁷³ The stone is from quarries within the walls at Θυλακάς (marked 4 on Fig. 22). Here Stais (op. cit. 242) found an underground chamber hewn in the rock. In 1958 the entrance was blocked by boulders, but it has not the normal appearance of a chamber tomb dromos. The description (of a square chamber with smaller chambers on either side) recalls the tomb (described above) at Βεργιδούνια near Mitata on Kythera.

²⁷⁴ The southernmost tower (now partially destroyed by a threshing floor) is in the same style—‘Isodomic Trapezoidal; Pointed Face’ (Scranton, op. cit. 173).

²⁷⁵ Especially the remains of a tower (marked 3 on Fig. 22) and part of the NE. wall. This style is ‘Isodomic Ashlar: Pointed Work’ (Scranton, op. cit. 178).

²⁷⁶ ADelt 1889, 239–41; cf. Frazer vi. 52–53. The excavations were said to have been on the right side of the stream (the presumed location is marked 5 on Fig. 22).

²⁷⁷ The text (Stais, op. cit. 233, 240) reads:

²⁷⁸ Stais, op. cit. 233–4, 240.

²⁷⁹ Op. cit. 241.

²⁸⁰ In particular the corner of a building in Isodomic poros masonry near a well, in a garden to SW. of the stream (marked 6 on Fig. 22).

²⁸¹ Op. cit. 242.

²⁸² Die Insel Kythera 45.

²⁸³ Op. cit. 238–9.

²⁸⁴ Presumably by the Athenians in 424 B.C. (Thuc. iv. 53.3 and 54. 4) or 413 B.C. (vii. 26. 2).

²⁸⁵ As a base for attacks on Laconia or Sicily, and an intermediary stop for ships from Egypt and Libya (cf. Cleomenes' journey in Plutarch, , Cleomenes 29–32Google Scholar; and Hdt. vii. 235).

²⁸⁶ Op. cit. 45.

²⁸⁷ The famous wreck off the north-east coast, from which the fine bronze statues were recovered (AE 1902, 145–72), may belong to this period—unless the statues were the property of some rich man.

²⁸⁸ Seamen of Antikythera say that it is often possible for small boats to sail from Crete to Antikythera at times when sailing is impossible in the area of Kythera and Malea.

²⁸⁹ We regret that, for practical reasons, it has not yet proved possible to make a study of Mycenaean pottery in Laconia comparable to that of Attica (Stubbings, , BSA xlii (1947) 1–75Google Scholar).

²⁹⁰ The earliest Peloponnesian neolithic ‘Variegated Ware’ (Corinth Class IA) and ‘Red Slipped Ware’ (Corinth Class IB), are represented here.

²⁹¹ Cf. Weinberg, , AJA li (1947) 165–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁹² i.e. at Corinth, Asea, Ayioryitika, and Lerna.

²⁹³ (Peiraeus), Kokkinia, in PAE 1951, 103Google Scholar, fig. 93 (‘Variegated Ware’) and 106, fig. 18α–β (‘Red Slipped Ware’).

²⁹⁴ Cf. Holmberg, , OpArch vi (1950) 129–35.Google Scholar

²⁹⁵ Cf. Holmberg, op. cit. 136; Korakou 113; Wace, , in Documents (foreword) p. xix.Google Scholar The best routes into Laconia would have been via the Helos plain and via Epidaurus Limera (the latter would avoid the dangers of Cape Malea).

²⁹⁶ Korakou, Zygouries, Asine, Tiryns, Lerna, and Asea.

²⁹⁷ Especially Ayios Kosmas and Raphina.

²⁹⁸ Eutresis and Orchomenos.

²⁹⁹ No Early Helladic settlement in Laconia has yet been fully excavated; although E.H. levels have been found at Kouphovouno, the Amyklaion, and Geraki.

³⁰⁰ Mellaart, , in AJA lxii (1958) 11Google Scholar, has a useful list enumerating the mainland sites destroyed by the M.H. invaders. He is, however, in error when he states that ‘Palaiopyrgos’ (i.e. Palaiopyryi) was deserted at the end of the E.H. period, and the situation at Kouphovouno is uncertain.

³⁰¹ Hesperia xxiv (1955) 49; xxv (1956) 173; Gray, in Myres, , Homer and his Critics (1958) 254–5.Google Scholar

³⁰² Gray, op. cit. 245, and refs.

³⁰³ Especially common are incised Minyan and local imitations of both Grey and Argive Minyan. Matt-painted is less common on the surface, but the quantity found in the excavations at the Amyklaion and Geraki indicates that this scarcity may not be a reliable guide. Sherds of Light-on-dark ware have been found at Ayios Stephanos, Skala, and Gangania.

³⁰⁴ Mellaart, , in AJA lxii. 9–33, esp. 19–20Google Scholar; Wace, , in Documents (foreword) xx–xxiGoogle Scholar; Gray, op. cit. 254–6.

³⁰⁵ M.H. is scarce on the surface at Palaiopyryi and Ayios Vasilios, but fairly common at the Amyklaion. No other sites are known in the plain.

³⁰⁶ It would be of some value in this connexion if it could be discovered whether or not Kouphovouno was occupied in M.H. (cf. Mellaart, op. cit. 11).

³⁰⁷ Good examples are Geraki, Apidia, Ayios Stephanos, Goulas, Daimonia, and Astros.

³⁰⁸ Mellaart, op. cit. 19, noted the appearance in the M.H. period of ‘feudal’ centres such as Mycenae (cf. Gray, op. cit. 260) and Malthi–Dorion. See Part 1 under Geraki for the problem of the dating of the walls at Malthi and Geraki. We now have also the circuit walls (L.H. I?) at Ano Englianos (AJA lxiv (1960) 156).

³⁰⁹ Wace, and Blegen, , Klio xxxii. 2 (1939) 10–11Google Scholar; Wace, in Documents (foreword) xx; Gray, op. cit. 260. More evidence will be forthcoming in AJA from a survey of sites in SW. Peloponnese by Professor W. A. McDonald and R. Hope Simpson.

³¹⁰ The exceptions are, of course, established by ‘negative evidence’ alone, and it is to be expected that many of the sites will prove, after all, to have been occupied in M.H. as well. They are: the Menelaion (beginning late in L.H. II), Krokeai (begins L.H. II–III), Analipsis (begins L.H. I), Epidaurus Limera (begins L.H. I), and Stena (begins L.H. I or II).

³¹¹ Notable are the L.H. II–IIIA pottery from the Menelaion and the Amyklaion, the contents of the Vaphio and Analipsis tholoi, and the considerable amount of L.H. II–IIIA surface pottery of fine quality from Ayios Stephanos and Asteri.

³¹² The early part of L.H. IIIB was probably the floruit of the sites at the Menelaion, Ayios Stephanos, Asteri, and Lekas. N.B. For the time being we adopt the provisional chronology proposed by Wace, , in PAPS 1953, 424 n. 8Google Scholar, rather than that of Furumark (in Chron MP). Wace's chronology allows a time span of reasonable length (there is a case for making it even longer) for the obviously large mass of L.H. IIIB pottery in the Mycenaean world (cf. BSA lii (1957) 220–3).

³¹³ To judge from the surface finds, there is apparently a complete break in the occupation of some outlying Laconian sites between E.H. and L.H. III.

³¹⁴ The Arkines tholoi probably belong to the L.H. III period; and we may compare Vaskina in Kynouria.

³¹⁵ The known instances are a few sherds from the Amyklaion, and some vases from chamber tombs at Epidaurus Limera.

³¹⁶ e.g. Ayios Strategos, the small site to north of Asteri, and Ayios Ioannis and Xeronisi to west of Skala.

³¹⁷ Burr, , Klio Beiheft ix (1944) 53–58Google Scholar, takes Λακεδαίμων as having been originally the name of a polis (as Schol. ap. Il. ii. 581), and regards it as the old Achaean name for Sparta. He believes that the name Σπάρτη is a Dorian intrusion, and that the Achaean Λακεδάιμων became in Dorian times a district name. But κοίλη and κητώεσσα are surely intended as qualifications of a district name. In RE iiiA² (1929) s.v. Sparta, 1271–2, it is said that in Homer Λακεδαίμων only twice refers to the Kingdom of Menelaus (Od. xxi. 13, 15, and Il. ii. 581–2), and that elsewhere it is used as equivalent to the city of Menelaus. But we should not expect consistency of meaning throughout the Iliad and Odyssey (cf. the ambiguity of the name Pylos). On the origin of the name, see Szemerényi, , Glotta xxxviii (1959) 14–17.Google Scholar

³¹⁸ Allen, , The Homeric Catalogue of Ships (1921) 74Google Scholar, summarizes the topographical evidence; cf. Thompson, , LAAA iv (1911) 131.Google Scholar

³¹⁹ Burr, op. cit. 54.

³²⁰ Cf. Whitman, , Homer and the Heroic Tradition (1958) 322 n. 12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³²¹ Trial excavations made at the site in July 1959 produced important stratigraphic evidence for the Middle and Late Helladic periods.

³²² The mounds known locally as ‘Tombs of Kings’ are suggestive, but we found no surface indications for a Mycenaean site. It is worth noting that recurs in the Catalogue in the Loeris section (Il. ii. 532). A Homeric ‘diplography’ cannot be ruled out.

³²³ As noted in BSA xiii. 232–3, the situation is ideal for a Mycenaean fortress; but the nature of the ground makes it impossible to glean any surface indications.

³²⁴ Il. iii. 443–6; cf. Paus. iii. 22. 1–2.

³²⁵ Paus. iii. 24. 6–8 and 10–11; Strabo viii. 5. 3 and 5. Strabo says that the Dioscuri sacked Las, and were called ‘Lapersae’ (cf. Schol, ad Lycoph. Alex. 1369: ).

³²⁶ Although Strabo (loc. cit.) thought that the name was short for Messene (cf. Valmin, , La Messénie ancienne (1930)Google Scholar index s.v. Messa). The epithet πολυτρήρωνα is also used of Thisbe in the Catalogue (Il. ii. 502).

³²⁷ Cranae, —Il. iii. 445Google Scholar (but the suggestion by Allen, op. cit. 67 n. 2, that Agamemnon's Corinthian and Arcadian forces could have gathered here is geographically absurd).

Kythera, —Il. x. 266–71Google Scholar; xv. 429–41; cf. Andron, (FGH ii. 350)Google Scholar, who said that Agamemnon on his return was blown to Kythera.

³²⁸ Kalyvia-Pellanes (Pellana), Paus. iii. 21. 2; Geraki (Geronthrae), Paus. iii. 22. 6 and iii. 2. 6; Goulas (Asopus), Paus. iii. 22. 9–10; Neapolis (Boeae), Paus. iii. 22. 11; Elaphonisi (Onugnathus), Paus. iii. 22. 10.

³²⁹ Hdt. iv. 145–50; cf. Strabo viii. 3. 19 (346–7) on the antecedents of the River Minyeios near Arene (Il. xi. 722–3).

³³⁰ Strabo viii. 5. 4; Paus. iii. 1. 5–6; 2. 6–7; 19. 6; 20. 6; 22. 6.

³³¹ Wace, , in Documents (foreword) xxxGoogle Scholar, and Broneer, , Antiquity xxx (1956) 15Google Scholar, equate the Dorian Invasion with the Return of the Herakleidai; cf. Huxley, , BICS iii (1956) 25Google Scholar, and Broneer, , Antiquity xxxii (1958) 80–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³² Particularly Amyklai (Paus. iii. 2. 6). In the case of Helos resistance is implied by the word Πολιορκία (Paus. iii. 20. 6).

³³³ Cf. Desborough, , Protogeometric Pottery 296–7.Google Scholar Pausanias (vii. 1. 5) records the expulsion of the Achaeans from Lacedaemon and Argos by the Dorians, while Strabo (viii. 5. 5) says that the Achaeans migrated at this time from Laconia to Achaea (on Achaea, , cf. AJA lxiv (1960) 1–21, esp. 19–20Google Scholar).

³³⁴ Attempts have been made to explain away an actual ‘Dorian Invasion’ (e.g. Wace, , in Historia ii (1953) 91Google Scholar and Viking (1954) 222, cf. Documents (foreword) xxviii–xxxi). But the literary evidence is firm and, where it can be checked, appears to be borne out by archaeology (cf. Hammond, , BSA xxxii (1931–1932) 151–79Google Scholar; Broneer, , in Antiquity xxx (1956) 16Google Scholar; Desborough, op. cit. 296–7). The question is well summed up by Gray, in Myres, , Homer and His Critics (1958) 276–83.Google Scholar

³³⁵ Desborough, op. cit. 287.

³³⁶ At Sparta on the acropolis and the Chalkioikos site (Desborough, op. cit. 289–90), and at the Amyklaion, Mavrovouni, Apidia, and Daimonia.

³³⁷ And the transition from Protogeometric to Geometric in Laconia occurs later than the same transition in Attica (Desborough, op. cit. 294–5, cf. 287–8 and 293).

³³⁸ Possibly from c. 1100 B.C. to c. 950 B.C.

³³⁹ Particularly the Menelaion and Palaiopyryi, and probably also Ayios Vasilios, Ayios Stephanos, Asteri, and Lekas.

³⁴⁰ For Sparta see Gray, op. cit. 283, and Whitman, loc. cit.

³⁴¹ Artemis Orthia, Apollo (the Amyklaion), Menelaus, and Helen (the Menelaion). The connexion of Agamemnon and Orestes with Amyklai and their localization in Lacedaemon is discussed by Nilsson, , The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology (1932) 69–73Google Scholar; cf. Allen, op. cit. 67.

³⁴² To the Menelaion and the Amyklaion we may perhaps add the temple of Apollo at Geronthrae (Geraki), Paus. iii. 22. 7; the temple of Dionysus at Bryseae (Ayios Vasillos), Paus. iii. 20. 3; and the sanctuary of Athena at Asopus (Goulas), Paus. iii. 22. 9.

³⁴³ Cf. Nilsson, , The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion (1950)Google Scholar Index s.v. Dioscuri (esp. 541 ff.), Hyakinthos (esp. 556 ff.), Helen (esp. 528 ff.); and Nilsson, , The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology 76–78Google Scholar (Dioscuri and Hyakinthos), 68 and 73–76 (Helen). N.B. also the wooden image at the temple of Artemis Orthia ‘stolen by Orestes and Iphigeneia from the Tauric Land’ (Paus. iii. 16. 7).

³⁴⁴ Cf. Nilsson, op. cit. 68–69 and 79. The simple conception of a ‘Kingdom of the Atridae’ in the east Peloponnese (Gray, op. cit. 270), as balancing a ‘Kingdom of Pylos’ in the south-west, while it contains an element of truth, yet implies too simple a division to suit the more complex pattern given by Homer, wherein Agamemnon is primus inter pares; and it takes little account of the geographical relationship of Laconia, Arcadia, and the Argolid.