A programme, combining a physical survey, intensive pick-up and geophysics, was carried out over 17 ha around the site of a small late Roman fortification, some 6 km south of ancient Pydna. Although the area is intensively farmed, the pick-up survey proved remarkably successful. Hellenistic occupation was identified and a restricted Roman settlement around the site of the quadriburgium. Surprisingly, a new and large late Roman fortification (c. 3–4 ha), equipped with towers, with a densely occupied interior and ‘extramural’ buildings was also found. The north-eastern curtain was discovered by resistivity surveying, the line of the north-western and south-western sides by intensive survey. Pottery and brick monograms from the new site suggests that it dates to the second half of the sixth or possibly early seventh century. It is argued that the quadriburgium may be the site of ancient Anamon, a station on the coastal road from Thessaloniki to Dion. The newly discovered site, clearly of considerable importance, lay on the north bank of the river Sourvala and probably had direct access to the sea, importing both local pottery and amphorae from the eastern Aegean. Its role may have been to protect the fertile coastline of the Pieria and to provide a secure base for the export of agricultural products to the beleaguered cities and settlements around the Thermaic Gulf.

In the small collection of Greek vases in Reading University there is a pyxis, complete with lid, and also an odd lid from a similar pyxis (Pl. 6, 1 and 3), with floral decoration of the kind that prevailed in Boeotia in the latter part of the fifth century. The painting is done with care, and both vase and lid have an elegance that contrasts with the rusticity of most vases with this sort of decoration.

In shape and size the Reading vase corresponds with the well-known pyxis formerly in the Branteghem collection (Froehner Coll. Van Branteghem no. 211 PL. 46). The height of the Reading pyxis is 0·205 m., of the Branteghem pyxis 0·21 m. Its lid is flat, with an upward curve at the rim, the knob pagoda-like with six tiers, the foot in three sections, unpainted and ribbed horizontally.

The site of Old Smyrna lies on a low spur at the foot of the Yamanlar Daği, or Mountain of Unco Things, at a distance of 450 metres east of the present coastline. The spur is 365 metres long on a north-south axis, with a maximum breadth of 250 metres. On the north-east and east its outline is marked by a bank, revetted in large part by a high terrace wall of small stones. The elevated north-west corner of the site is encircled by superimposed terraces leading up to a circular platform or belvedere, which dominates the site, at an altitude of 21·3 m. above sea-level (Plates 2c, 6a, Squares G–Hix). On the west side the spur is bounded by a cart road leading inland to Bornova, and at the south tip it merges into the low-lying pasturage by a sluggish stream. The terracing of the hillock, which in the north-west presents a picturesque aspect, is believed in the main to be the work of a landowner named Turlita in the nineteenth century. A zone along the north side of the site, corresponding in width to the main sector of our excavations there, is planted with olive trees, of which we were obliged to cut down a score; there is also a narrow fringe of olives along the eastern edge of the site. The greater part of the surface of the hillock is divided between two vineyards, the upper on the north and the lower on the south, separated by a bank which is bordered near its east end by a row of fig trees (Squares Nxvi to Gxix); there is also a smaller vineyard of triangular outline on the slope between the upper vineyard and the Bornova road.

The vases to be discussed in this paper come from two separate excavations at Knossos: the greater number from two tombs excavated by Sir Arthur Evans in 1907, the rest from one of several tombs which I excavated three years ago. The three tombs in question lie a little less than a mile to the north of the Palace, at the foot of the western slope of the hill known as Zafer Papoura (cf. Fig. 1); they are cut into a low bank, immediately to the right of the footpath as one goes from Makry Teichos to Isopata, and are marked in Fig. 1 by a black bar. A glance at the map will shew that this group of tombs is in the same straight line as the group which was excavated by Hogarth in 1899. Hogarth's tombs are at the foot of a rather higher bank which is obviously part of the same formation. There is, however, a break between the two banks, and as the greater part of it is covered by a vineyard it is impossible to tell precisely how closely the two groups of tombs are connected. But even if there is an empty space between them, it is certain the history of the two groups of tombs is the same.

A re-examination of the EH II architecture at Zygouries and other sites suggests that the traditional model of rectangular houses with two or three rooms may be inappropriate in many instances, and that in fact domestic architecture of the period, while showing greater diversity of form than has hitherto been supposed, may instead have been based on larger and more complex structures.

The plains of Pyrgi, Kalamoti, and Dotia, in the south-east corner of Chios, form a single geographic unit, bounded in the east by the hills which run inland from the promontory of Agridia, in the west by the low range of Kampia, Aradhopetra, and Kakopetria, and in the north by the more formidable barrier of the central mountains of the island. In them there are traces of several ancient sites, at Pindakas, Dotia, and elsewhere, but these appear to have been little more than isolated farmhouses or small sanctuaries and it is almost certain that most of the inscriptions from the area came originally from the major sites at Emporio and Phanai. From these they have been transported, some as far as Chios town, most to other local sites, to country churches or to the medieval towns of Pyrgi and Kalamoti. In many cases it is now impossible to trace their origin (even those which have reached the comparative safety of the Museum are often without record of their provenance), and it would therefore be pointless to try to isolate the inscriptions of any one ancient centre. For this reason I have collected here, in addition to the few inscriptions discovered in the British School excavations at Emporio, all the other material known to have been found in the area. For convenience I reproduce all but the most accessible texts in full. Generally it has been possible to check earlier readings on the stone (in which case the text is my own without any note of alterations unless they are significant); those which I have not seen are marked with an asterisk.

The museums in Agrinion and Ioannina possess a number of small squat-lekythoi, decorated usually with a single figure flanked by spiral tendrils, which may be seen to form a group. To this nucleus other examples may be added from the Balkans, Italy, and Switzerland. These are all minor vases, but they are of some interest if, as seems possible, they represent a local fabric from north-west Greece.

If we summarize the ethnological evidence from excavation set forth in the previous paper it is to the following effect:—Notwithstanding all the local deviations that appear on the surface, there is no essential distinction of race underlying the civilization reflected by the remains at Tiryns and Mycenae, and that in Crete in the latter part of the Late Minoan Age. This period is represented by the remains of partial occupation of the royal buildings and by the finds from the cemeteries of the same period at Knossos, Phaestos and elsewhere in Crete. On contemplation of the finds belonging to this period, nothing is more striking than the uniform fact that there is in the regular sequence of development no real break as yet with what preceded.

These tantalizing fragments of an Assessment List present two unusual features. First the figures stand to the right of the names and are divided from them by two-point punctuation. This recalls the practice of the first Quota List. All later Quota Lists and the Assessments of 425 and 422 B.C. have the figures before the names and punctuation of any sort is extremely rare. Secondly there are several ionicisms in the script: two etas in col. iii. 3 and 5 and an Ionic lambda in the latter line. Meritt argued from the physical evidence of the stone that the Island column stood first. The order of districts was presumably Islands, Ionia, Hellespont and Thrace—which seems to have been invariable from 425 B.C.—and the ATL editors accordingly disposed the Hellespontine names in col. iii and placed some probable Ionic names in col. ii. Otherwise they attempted no restoration. Perhaps they were deterred by finding one new name among the very few preserved. Some speculation, however, about the Ionic panel seems legitimate.

The letters -ΕΝΙ- (line 7) could be part of Κλαӡομένιοι, Θερμαῑοι ἐν ʾΙκάρῳ, or Οἰναῑοι ἐν ʾΙκάρῳ as Meritt rightly observed. But what can be made of the remnants—ΚΟ!!!—in line 4? At first sight they baffle conjecture. The last stroke is preserved only at the base and Meritt noted that it might form a letter with the preceding upright.

The village of Molyvdoskepastos stands on the north-eastern slopes of Mount Nemerçka (Merope) on the present Greek–Albanian frontier, above the valley where the Voiussa river is joined by the tributary of Sarandaporos, in the district of Pogoniani. The 19th-century travellers in Epirus and Albania seem to have passed it by as unworthy of their attentions, although the Rev. Thomas Smart Hughes (writing in 1820) remarks not only on the number of its churches ‘which appear to have been ruined and deserted for some centuries’, but also on the unparalleled incivility of its inhabitants. The character and hospitality of the villagers, despite their recent privations, appears to have improved in proportion to the steady deterioration of their homes and their ancient monuments.

The village was formerly called Dipalitsa, but its present name is derived from the monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin, situated in the valley below close by a small tributary of the Voiussa river, and it was through the influence of this monastery that the village attained its importance as the seat of the archbishopric of Pogoniani. The foundation of the monastery and the establishment of the archbishopric are associated with the name of the Emperor Constantine IV Pogonatos (A.D. 668–85), and the tradition is borne out by documentary evidence which may or may not have been invented to supplement the deficiencies of the historians. The name Pogoniani, if a Slav derivation be discounted, is easily linked with the title Pogonatos: and it is supposed that the Emperor stayed in the district when returning by an overland route to Constantinople after his defeat of the usurper Mizizios in Sicily in 668.

This group of tombs lies about 50 metres south-west of the main Knossos–Herakleion road, immediately opposite the new Sanatorium. Here in the autumn of 1953 Mr. David Smollett, then engaged in making the map for the Knossos Survey, noticed some large sherds which had been thrown into a rubbish pit on the edge of a small patch of ground newly ploughed for a vineyard (Plan, Fig. 1, a). The vineyard lay on the top of a slight knoll behind the café on the west side of the road. The knoll had until this time been occupied by a threshing floor, and was pointed out by the local inhabitants as the site of the ‘Tomb of Caiaphas’. But the great Roman concrete-built tomb traditionally known as the ‘Tomb of Caiaphas’, was really, it appears, on the main road some metres away to the north-west (Knossos Survey 23): it was destroyed about 1880 when the road was built.

The sherds recovered by Mr. Smollett, some of them large and freshly broken from fine Geometric vases, made it seem likely that there was a disturbed tomb of that period in the area. Permission was therefore sought, and readily granted by Dr. N. Platon, Ephor of Antiquities for Crete, to explore the field before it was planted with vines. Trials led to the discovery of three small collapsed chamber tombs, all apparently Iron Age in date, cut in the soft kouskouras rock. The tombs clearly belong to the same complex as tombs L, Π, and TFT which have been published by Brock in Fortetsa (1957). They stood in a row with their entrances facing south towards Knossos. Two isolated burials (Plan, Fig. 1, b, c), extended on their backs with their heads to the west and feet to the east immediately below the surface of the field, may be Roman or later; there was a bent iron nail by the left hand of burial c. The knoll with the tombs lies near the western edge of the big Roman cemetery which covered the region now occupied by the new Sanatorium (Knossos Survey 35).

The name of Gergis appears first in Herodotos, and is applied to a tribe said to be the descendants of the ancient Teukrians; ῾γμέης . . .εἶλε μὲν Αἰολέας πάντας, ὅσοι τὴν ᾿Ιλιάδα νέμονται, εἶλε δὲ Γέργιθας τοὺςὑπολειφθέντας τῶν ἀρχαίων Τευκρῶν (v. 122). Where they dwelt is made clear in vii. 43. After his visit to the temple of Athena at Ilion, Xerxes marches to Abydos, keeping Rhoiteion, Ophryneion and Dardanos on his left, and the Teukrian Gergithes on his right; ἐπορεύετο ἐνθεῦτεν ἐνἀριστερῆι μὲν ἀοέργων ῾Ροίτειον πόλιν καὶ ᾿Οφρύνειον καὶ Δάρδανον, ἤπερδὴ ᾿Αβύδωι ὄμουρός ἐστι, ἐν δεξυῆι δὲ Γέργιθας Τευκπρούς. The Greek colonists, the Aeolians, had occupied with their towns the whole of the coast; the older inhabitants had been driven into the hill-country a short distance inland.

Two mosques in Galata—the Mosque of the Arabs (Arab Djami) and the Mosque of the Leaded Store (Kurshunlu Maghzen Djamisi)—lay claim to be the earliest buildings consecrated to Moslem worship in Constantinople. Both are supposed to date from the period of the Arab sieges, many centuries before the Ottoman conquest. Their traditional claim to this honourable pedigree is of some antiquity. Evliya Effendi, in the middle of the seventeenth century, already attributes an Arab origin to four buildings in Galata, of which two are the mosques in question and the others a lead-roofed granary (Kurshunlu Maghzen), still used as such in his time, and the famous Galata Tower. All these, and in addition the Rose Mosque (Gul-Djami) in Stamboul, are supposed to have been built during the famous siege of Constantinople by the Arabs under Maslama.

With the larger terracottas excavated by the British School of Athens at Praesos in 1900 I have already dealt elsewhere (B.S.A. viii. pp. 271 ff.). My purpose here is to treat of the interesting series of plaques discovered during the same excavations, of which I was then only able to give but a summary account. Their interest lies not so much in their artistic merit as in the light they throw on the customs and beliefs of the Eteocretan people during a long period extending from the archaic to the Hellenistic age.

Last May, having to wait for a steamer at Syra, I seized the opportunity and rode out to the prehistoric necropolis on the north-east coast of the island. The distance from the agora of Hermoupolis is only three miles on the map, but nearly an hour and a half by the mule path, which starts from the picturesque upper town and runs along a range of desolate hills, passing on the left a cave which local antiquaries call the cave of Pherekydes.

In the definitive publication of the Sunion site by Stais in ᾿Αρχαιολογικὴ᾿Εφημερίς 1917, 168 ff., and again in τὸ Σούνιον scant reference is made to the remains of docks and shipsheds on the promontory. They are dismissed with a few words in the text, and indicated in the most summary fashion on the plan drawn by Orlandos. This is not altogether surprising in view of the overshadowing interest of the temples and fortifications. It might have been supposed, however, that a full treatment of the walls and defences of the site would include some descriptions of the docks, and some attempt to fit them into the chronology of the fortress.

The following article by K. A. Wardle is the first of a series of studies on the finds from the excavation known as the Citadel House, a name given by Professor Wace to an area on the Mycenae acropolis to the south of Schliemann's grave circle. Its exact situation is between the South House and Tsountas's House and next to the Cyclopaean wall. In effect it is a continuation southwards of the so-called South House that Wace excavated in 1922. He recognized at that time that he had uncovered only a small part of a large building but circumstances did not permit him to proceed further with the excavation. Only in 1954 was work resumed on this site as part of a large programme that was mainly concerned with areas outside the citadel. To distinguish it from these other areas it was given the name of the ‘Citadel House’, a non-committal term but one that, in view of the later importance of the site, was liable to lead to misunderstanding, implying that it was the only house on the acropolis.

Professor Wace, had he lived, would no doubt have considered changing the designation but in deference to his memory the name has been retained and it has been used in all the short provisional reports that have appeared to date. Professor Mylonas, who understandably dislikes the present designation, refers to the site as ‘Wace's House’, but I think that Wace would not have favoured such a term. One cannot now say what other name he would have preferred to substitute, but I do not think he would have objected to the term ‘South House’, and unquestionably part of the ‘Citadel House’ is an extension of the South House; but one must bear in mind that the buildings that have been uncovered between the South House and Tsountas's House do not always have the same axis as the former.

Graffiti have been found in a number of the churches in the medieval town of Paliachora on Aigina and elsewhere on the island. Recently two graffiti of sailing vessels were noted in the church of Agioi Anargyroi in Paliachora and it is suggested that their presence may be related to the maritime activities of the medieval inhabitants, pirate raids on the town, and the beliefs of fishermen and sailors.

I. The Site.—The late Dr. Dümmler was struck, on his visit to Melos, by the difference between the pre-Mycenæan tombs at Phylakopi and those that he had just seen opened in Amorgos. Still another, a third variety, had been reported from Syros. Not that the discrepancy disturbed his view of the pre-Mycenæan question. What the want of uniformity proved, to his mind, was merely that uniformity was not to have been expected.

It is, however, becoming more and more evident that at one period one particular type of entombment, the Amorgan type, prevailed all over the Cyclades. Pappadopoulo's account of the Syran graves is not to be taken any more seriously than his account of their contents.

After the close of the excavation season of the British School at Melos last year, I availed myself of the opportunity afforded by a prolonged stay to explore the island. The sites of Komia, Palæochori, and Hagia Kyriaki had been previously visited by me in company with Mr. Charles Clark, architect to the British School, but as the former visits had been limited to one day I revisited the sites mentioned more at leisure afterwards. In order to become more familiar with the people and the districts I stayed several days at or near each of the sites, sleeping usually in the threshing-floors near the farm-houses.