No records or vase-paintings of an early date give any idea of the appearance of the primitive theatre cavea, and few of the remains in Attica can be traced back even as far as the Persian Wars. The earliest form of the Theatre of Dionysus at Athens may belong to the first half of the sixth century B.C., but none of the cavea there is of very early date; and it is questionable whether the theatre at Thorikos is as old as the sixth century. There is mention of a theatre at Eleusis, but none has been brought to light. It has therefore been suggested that the wide flight of steps above the Telesterion represented an auditorium.

The date of the destruction of the palace at Pylos is re-examined in the light of our increased knowledge of regional Mycenaean pottery, and a fresh phase of LH III pottery defined.

Heinrich Schliemann (1822–90) was, it is well known, an energetic correspondent, a compulsive note-taker and an inveterate hoarder. For the archaeologist, as for the biographer, he left behind a rich mine with many seams. There is, however, no clear account of the history, location, and extent of Schliemann's literary remains. This paper is intended to go some way towards filling that gap. It has the additional aim of drawing attention to some notable lacunae in the Schliemann archive at the Gennadius Library in Athens in case the missing material should ever come to light.

Since 1902 archaeological investigations at Palaikastro in eastern Crete have sought evidence for two architectural structures: a palace located amongst the substantial remains of Minoan settlement and the temple and sanctuary of Zeus Diktaios referred to by Strabo. In 2001 a geophysical survey was conducted in the Roussolakkos valley to the south-east of the excavated Minoan remains. Previous studies had recorded this as an archaeological ‘nil’ zone owing to the complete absence of cultural surface debris. Seven geophysical zones, covering a total of 20,960 m2, were surveyed using a combination of electrical resistance and magnetometry methods. Anomalies attributed to anthropogenic activity were found in six of these zones. They probably reflect substantial Minoan architecture based on the shape of some anomalies, a comparison with geophysical results from a previously excavated area (Block X) and the occurrence of no pottery later than Minoan on the ground. On this basis the geophysical survey has approximately doubled the known area, of the Minoan settlement. The anomalies may belong to a large urban block though their scale and orientation are also comparable to plans of palatial structures from other sites. Anomalies that could reflect architecture were found in Zone 7, situated in the area of earlier finds of Iron Age votives and Archaic architectural fragments and may therefore be related to the Diktaion.

We present the results of a diachronic survey of the Katsaronio plain in the Karystia, southern Euboea, Greece. The project was organised under the aegis of the Norwegian Institute at Athens with a permit from the Hellenic Ministry of Culture under the official name of the Norwegian Archaeological Survey in the Karystia. Five years of fieldwork (2012–16) covered an area of 20km2 in a large agricultural plain located about 5km north-west of the town of Karystos. The survey identified 99 new findspots with a range of dates spanning from the Final Neolithic to Early Modern times. Here we present the collected prehistoric through Roman data, which represent the bulk of the acquired evidence. One of the notable features of the assemblage is the vast quantity of lithics that were recovered, numbering over 9000 and consisting mainly of obsidian. Certain periods were absent from the evidence, such as post-Early Bronze Age prehistoric and Geometric, while others were represented with varying intensity. We offer an initial interpretation of the patterns observable in the evidence in an attempt to reconstruct the past use and habitation of this part of Euboea.

We present a review of the post Bronze Age material excavated by Coldstream and Huxley at Kastri on Kythera, as part of the ongoing Kythera Island Project. In particular we refer to material not published in Coldstream and Huxley 1972. Greek material is largely confined to one deposit and dates to the period c.500 to 380 bc. From the Roman period material is more plentiful; the two relevant strata are third and late sixth to seventh centuries, with some earlier Julio-Claudian pieces. While later Medieval pottery also is largely from one deposit, the entirety of it is presented, and a mis en scène with respect to Kytheran modern history is offered.

IG xii. 1. 695; T. Cam. 1. In the British Museum, from Kamiros. Early third century B.C.

Guarducci, Mem. dei Lincei vi. 8 (1938/9) 124, no. xxix bis; T. Cam. 2. Kamiros.

These lists present an organization at three levels:

(a) The smallest units are patrai, with names ending either -δαι or -ειοι, rather more of the latter than the former; the only exception is II 14 Ἀμφινεῖς.

(b) These are grouped under headings, Χυτριείων πάτραι (I 28, II 19), Βουκολείων πάτραι (III 18), &c. The general term for the bodies named Χυτρίειοι, &c., is not given.

(c) The heading Ἀλθαιμενίδος at I 19, II 11, embraces several of these second-level groups. At two removes above the patrai, Ἀλθαιμενίς must be a large body, something like a tribe, and the termination -ίς is common in tribe-names.

Among the puzzling features of the list is the repetition of certain names, either consecutively in the same group or from one group to another, thus:

⊖ωιάδαι: I 23–26 under Ἀμφινήων πάτραι.

Βουκολίδαι: I 30–32 under Χυτριείων.

Κρητινάδαι: I 29 under Χυτριείων; II 24, 26 under Χυτριείων; III 19 under Βουκολείων; T. Cam. 2. 2 in a different sequence with no heading preserved.

Four inscriptions of Hellenistic to Early Roman date were found in rescue excavations undertaken during the construction of public housing at the location Bedevi, east of Leophoros Knossou in the suburbs of modern Aghios Ioannis (Heraklion). These four inscriptions constitute an intriguing group as they provide evidence of a rural installation where a vessel with an inscribed lid was stored, a sepulchral site and private worship of Artemis, as well as a point between ancient Heraklion and Knossos where a Roman road crossed the Chrysopigis stream. In antiquity this area was part of the greater Knossos area, albeit closer to Heraklion than to Knossos. These four inscriptions provide new evidence for the nature of this area and for the northern road connections of Roman Knossos, particularly the road that linked Knossos with its harbour at Heraklion.

Among the antiquities in the collection of the British School, there are a few examples of East Greek pottery, including Wild Goat Style, Chian, Fikellura, and Clazomenian as well as a Rosette Bowl and a Bird Bowl. Following a summany of the British School's excavations and role at Naukratis, the site where much of this East Greek pottery was discovered, the objects from the collection are presented in both summary and catalogue form. An appendix is dedicated to an Attic polychrome phiale mesomphalos, which, although not East Greek, shares many technical and stylistic features with some East Greek wares, and was originally identified as Vroulian. It is briefly considered in relation to East Greek and Archaic pottery.

Μεταξύ των αρχαιοτήτων της συλλογής της Βρετανικής Σχολής, υπάρχουν ορισμένα παραδείγματα ανατολίζουσας ελληνικής κεραμικής, στα οποία περιλαμβάνοντοα δείγματα του ρυθμού των Αιγάγρων, της Χίου, των Φικελλούρων, των Κλαζομενών, καθώς επίσης και δύο ανοικτά αγγεία με διακόσμηση ρόδακα και πτηνών αντίστοιχα. Μετά από μία σύνοψη των ανασκαφών και του ρόλου της Βρετανικής Σχολής στη Ναύκρατι, τη θέση όπου ανακαλύφθηκε μεγάλο μέρος αυτής της ανατολίζουσας ελληνικής κεραμικής, τα ευρήματα της συλλογής παρουσιάζονται σε σύνοψη και σε κατάλογο. Ένα παράρτημα είναι αφιερωμένο σε μία αττική πολύχρωμη μεσόμφαλη φιάλη, η οποία αν και δεν ανήκει στον ανατολίζοντα ρυθμό, μοιράζεται αρκετά τεχνικά και στυλιστικά χαρακτηριστικά με ορισμένα ανατολίζοντα ελληνικά αγγεία. Η φιάλη αυτή είχε αρχικά ταυτιστεί ως αγγείο τύπου Βρουλιάς. Εν συντομία θεωρείτοα ότι έλκει στοιχεία από την ανατολίζουσα ελληνική και αρχαϊκή κεραμική.

The Return of Hephaistos to Olympus was a popular scene in Attic vase-painting from the beginning of the sixth century through the end of the fifth century bce, and it is found occasionally on other forms of pottery as well. According to myth, Hephaistos was lame, and this disability is sometimes depicted on painted pottery, almost always in scenes of his Return. The most well-known example is the François Vase, which is often the only vase cited when discussing instances of Hephaistos's lameness on Athenian pottery. Although three other Attic vases are occasionally cited as showing the disability, one of which does not show his Return, but instead the Birth of Athena, there are actually quite a number more Attic vases that depict his lameness than have previously been recognised. In this paper I present seven new Attic examples that clearly display his lameness, and consider both the different ways in which his disability is rendered and how they relate to the various epithets associated with him For example, he is often associated with the epithet ‘clubfoot’, and while there was an established iconography of clubfoot Corinthian komasts, the god's disability is never rendered in this manner on Attic vases. Instead, he is depicted in ways more similar to other epithets associated with him. Most notably, four vases represent the disability in a fashion that seems to be connected with Hephaistos's most common Homeric epithet, ἀμφιγυήεις, or ‘with both feet crooked’.

When, in 1913, I published in this Annual (XVIII, 98 ff.) an account of the acrophonic numeral system in the Greek world, I hoped that within a short time I should be able to give a similar description of the other main system, the alphabetic. Owing to unforeseen difficulties, including two World Wars, that hope has not yet been realized, though I have contributed to the Annual two supplementary articles on the acrophonic numerals (XXVIII, 141 ff., XXXVII, 236 ff.), nor can I even now offer more than a first instalment of my study of the alphabetic system, in which I confine myself strictly to Attica, leaving to a separate article (which will, I hope, follow without undue delay) some account of those numerals as used elsewhere.

The pottery described comes from areas of the Roman stoa that were selected by the excavators as important. Most groups contained quantities of local tiles, glazed or unglazed, and large numbers of unidentifiable body sherds. The vast majority of the pottery was locally made and is micaceous, normally very micaceous. Its normal colour is orange of various shades, but it can be a light brown; fired in a reducing atmosphere the body is grey, and this can have a grey slip. There was considerable use of black glaze and red-to-brown slip on Laconian vessels, both coarse and fine; black glaze seems to have been in use at Sparta well into the 1st cent. AD. The generally late hellenistic and Roman Laconian vessels from these contexts are largely unknown archaeologically, and dating is thus at a preliminary stage. Very few imports were found, but these represent the main dating criteria. The hellenistic and Roman pottery found in the Roman stoa, limited as it is, can only be regarded as material for the beginning of a corpus of the many local forms of the period.

The course of the Roman road along the southern shore of the sea of Marmora between Priapus and Cyzicus has hitherto been known only from the Peutinger table and from a single milestone (the thirteenth) found in a Turkish cemetery above Tchaoush-keui, not far therefore from its original position. The Peutinger table notes only one point between the places named—the crossing of the Granicus. That of the Aesepus, a much more important river, is still marked by the considerable remains of a fine Roman bridge, which, owing to its secluded position at a turn of the valley, has hitherto escaped the notice of such travellers as have passed along the coast road. Hearing at Boghashehr, where I had shewn an interest in the fast-vanishing ruin of Ak-kupru, that a similar bridge existed on the road to Gunen, I took that route and was rewarded by the discovery of the best-preserved ancient bridge in the district.

When I wrote my report on the excavation of Polis, Ithaca, the leader of the expedition had suggested that in Ithaca, Early Bronze Age pottery had persisted till the closing phases of the Late Bronze Age, which meant that Ithaca was a backward little place well away from the broad stream of contemporary culture. I thought it possible that there was another lag after the Late Bronze Age, and I called certain vases ‘Mycenaean,’ taking fabric to be the determining factor. My paper was written in 1932, but not published till 1942, and long before then I was sure that we were both wrong. Mr. Heurtley wished to account for the presence of fifty Mycenaean sherds in an Early Bronze Age Settlement at Pilikata. It is true that no Middle Bronze Age settlement has yet been found in Ithaca. That may be our bad fortune, or the island may have been uninhabited in the centuries before 1500 B.C., as it was in the sixteenth century A.D. It seems simpler to admit disturbance by any later diggers of foundations or seekers of wells, than to postulate an iron curtain between Ithaca and both its nearest neighbours, Kephallenia and Leukas, in the Middle Bronze Age. After all, Early, Middle, and Late Bronze Age sherds were found together in Area VI at Pilikata, and no house plans have resulted; some disturbance seems inevitable.

In my previous paper on Cretan Palaces and the Aegean Civilization I sought to give a general account of the architectural evidence resulting from excavation, in its bearing on the disputed question as to the continuity of Aegean culture throughout the course of its development.

It will now be advisable to consider the problems involved on a wider basis, in the light of the objects other than architectural, found in Crete and elsewhere in the Aegean world.

The Carian Hypothesis as to the Origins of the Aegean Civilization.

That the implications of the question are of an ethnological character will at this stage in the inquiry be generally admitted. And here it will be convenient to take as our point of departure a standpoint that may now perhaps be regarded as pretty general, though negative in its bearings, and which is to the effect that the originators of the Aegean civilization, at any rate in its pre-Mycenaean phases, were not ‘Achaeans’ in the vague general sense of being a people from the mainland of Greece. But the attempt to give a positive form to this conclusion has led to the revival of an old hypothesis which is perhaps not so entirely out of date as has lately been supposed. According to this hypothesis, the originators and representatives of the Aegean civilization were Carians from southwest Anatolia, and it was they, according to Doerpfeld, who built the earlier palaces of Crete. The later Cretan palaces, on the other hand, according to the same authority, were built by people of Achaean, and so of Hellenic race.

From the southern Balkans to the region of Middle Donau, so-called ‘Thracian’ pottery is dominant during the historical period. Its co-existence with wheel-made pottery also has a long history in Aegean Thrace. In the city of Mesembria-Zone, barrel-shaped urns and one-handled cups represent the ‘classical period’ of this tradition. Until now, there was no example of a site in northern Greece with pottery exclusively of this type. This ‘missing link’ has been discovered during excavations at Agios Ioannis in south-cast Thasos. The pottery from the site is completely handmade and can be attributed to a Later Iron Age phase.

The absence of interest in this pottery tradition was due to difficulties concerning its identification and dating, but also to the fact that archaeologists were more interested in the definition of the nature of Greek colonies and the clarification of the relationships between settlers and natives. The survival of ‘Thracian’ pottery has been explained up to now through the idea of identifying an artefact type as an indicative element of the ‘culture’ of its producers. In fact, the intra-communal distribution of this pottery does not reveal any special differentiation, and does not appear to be related to only one group of the population, different in terms of race or economic strength. Here, we propose an additional interpretative tool, the ideological significance of this type of pottery for the people of south-east Europe.

The prehistoric site of Thermi lies 10 km. north of Mytilene, nearly 2 km. east of the modern village, and about half a kilometre south-east of the hot springs which give the district its name. Before excavation it appeared as a low mound on the coast, part of which had been cut away by the sea. The cliff face rises to 6·20 m. at the highest part of the mound: the relation of virgin soil to the settlement earth is shewn in the sections, Pl. II. Scattered stones, obviously once used for building, extend for 30 m. out to sea: it seems probable that at least 15–20 m. of the city have been lost on this side owing to the gradual erosion of the coast. The extent of the surviving parts can be roughly estimated from the map, Pl. I, though not all the boundaries have yet been discovered.

This paper offers a new comprehensive catalogue and discussion of Late Helladic III chariot kraters, and explores what they reveal about horse–human relations in Greece and Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age. The nearly 400 known examples of chariot kraters were produced in mainland Greece and exported to Cyprus and the Levant. Although the vessels were surely adapted to local contexts, the motif of horses and chariot was part of the ‘international’ spirit of the Late Bronze Age and was meaningful throughout the eastern Mediterranean. Following a discussion of the chronological and geographical distribution of the kraters, alongside notes regarding changes in shape, we examine each of the elements of the characteristic horses-and-chariot motif in depth. This close analysis, supplemented by evidence from faunal remains, Linear B and other visual media, and combined with modern equine knowledge, allows us to understand some of the complexities of horse–human relations in ancient Greece and Cyprus. Through this, we see a co-becoming and mutual training of horse and human in the endeavour to become a successful chariot team; we can also recognise elements of ancient acknowledgement of equine agency and personhood. Horses and humans acted and reacted to each other, thereby living and learning together. The images on the chariot kraters reflect both ancient observation and knowledge of horses and caballine behaviour and artistic conventions and developments. Finally, horses were expensive animals to breed, keep and train (with accompanying expensive gear), and direct physical contact would have been for the fortunate few. The chariot kraters allowed a broader segment of the population to engage with horses and chariots, albeit indirectly.

The resemblance of certain of the ivories to some in the Ephesus deposit makes it clear that they came from Asia. Close relations and exchange of gifts between Sparta and Lydia are recorded for the sixth century, and have been claimed for the seventh, the age of Alcman. Long ago Curtius pointed out certain affinities between the Lydian goddess of the Lake, Artemis Gygaea, and the Spartan Orthia. Now that Mr. Hogarth has vindicated the Hellenic character of the early worship of Artemis at Ephesus, it becomes probable that the great Ionian sanctuary may have made its influence felt at Sparta as well as at Koloene. The road to Sardis was by Ephesus, and the road to Ephesus by Samos, and with Samos too we have links. The legend of the xoanon found in a thicket of agnus castus is common to the cult of Hera at Samos and of Orthia at Sparta. Again the best parallels for the Spartan masks have been found, as Mr. Dawkins has pointed out, in Samian tombs.

Though big and fertile, the island of Paros is still an empty landscape for the Neolithic, since alone the only so far known site of Kastro at Paroikia, and the neighbouring islet of Saliagos are inadequate to give an overall view of the cultural and economic distribution of the Neolithic populations on the island and their site networks within it. Also, even in the EBA, the few so far located settlements compared to the known cemeteries prevent us from penetrating into the subsistence strategies of the EC people and their organization of everyday life. In this respect the location of Neolithic and EBA habitation deposits at two sites in the bay of Naousa, Koukounaries and Sklavouna, is a significant opportunity for prehistoric research. This paper is a preliminary synthesis based on data from the old (1974–91) excavations and the systematic study started recently. Particularly in regard to Koukounaries, the paper attempts to study the organization and distribution of the pre-Mycenaean populations on the hill per chronological phase, giving emphasis on two main issues: first, on the duration of the latestNeolithic phase and the possibility that a Neolithic-to-EBA transition exists at the site, and secondly on the presence of a significant stone building compound of the EC II at the NE fringe of the hilltop.