The village of Senirdje is situated some 15 km. to the N.N.W. of Isbarta (Baris), in northern Pisidia, in a gap in the hills dividing the plain of Isbarta from the plain of Ketchiborlu, through which the line of the railway-extension from Ketchiborlu to Egerdir now passes. Close to the village is a low, flat mound, in marshy ground, which, when I visited it in 1911, was entirely flooded owing to the severity of the previous winter. The mound, the northern part of which is traversed by the railway-cutting, rises to a height of 13 feet above the level of the plain, and 11 ft. 6 in. above the rail, at a point 150 feet to the right of the centre-line. The top of the northern bank of the cutting is about five feet above the rail, the southern bank about 9 feet. Some 18 inches down to the level of the plain remain unexcavated.

This addendum presents the tables of the chemical compositions of Late Bronze Age pottery that were omitted from the authors' paper with the same title, published in 1991 in the Proceedings of the Conference on Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean (Oxford 1989). In addition, a short description and bibliography is provided for those sites in Italy, Sardinia, and Sicily from which the pottery was analysed.

No records or vase-paintings of an early date give any idea of the appearance of the primitive theatre cavea, and few of the remains in Attica can be traced back even as far as the Persian Wars. The earliest form of the Theatre of Dionysus at Athens may belong to the first half of the sixth century B.C., but none of the cavea there is of very early date; and it is questionable whether the theatre at Thorikos is as old as the sixth century. There is mention of a theatre at Eleusis, but none has been brought to light. It has therefore been suggested that the wide flight of steps above the Telesterion represented an auditorium.

It is only recently that the ritual object κέρνος or κέρχνος described by Athenaeus has been discovered, recognized, and explained by the labours of Philios, Kourouniotes, and Rubensohn. It was a clay vessel, to which were attached a number of small cups containing various grains and liquids, offered as first fruits of the harvest, especially in the Eleusinian worship, to the divinity. It was carried in procession on the head of the priestess (κερνοφορεῖν, κερνοφορία) to the accompaniment of ritual dancing (κερνοφόρον ὄρχημα) Besides the grains, the liquids and the unwashed wool, in the central bowl of the kernos was placed the παλάθιον upon which was set a lighted lamp or candle.

There is thus no doubt about the form and use of the kernos of the Greek period. But its existence and use have been traced also to the prehistoric period by Mr. Bosanquet, who has described similar Pre-Mycenaean vessels found many years ago in Melos, and now preserved in various European museums. He has also described and explained as a kernos another vessel consisting of three small vases, found in a tomb at στὸν Κάπρο near Phylakopi in Melos, and belonging to the so-called Cycladic (Early Minoan) period, and also in the excavations of the British School at Phylakopi prehistoric kernoi were found. Further, Mr. Dawkins considers that forty-four conical cups, which he found broken off some such complex vessels, together with idols and other ritual objects, in a Minoan house at Palaikastro in Crete, belonged to kernoi.

The troubled state of the Peloponnesus during the Middle Ages left its mark on no buildings more evidently than on its castles. Each successive owner obtained his title at the cost of some part of the building, and his first thought on gaining possession was either to strengthen the fortress he had just captured, or to dismantle it utterly and leave behind him a useless pile of ruins. Military architecture too, is little influenced by respect for the past and the more important castles must have been frequently modernised, so but little is left of their original structure. The lack of those ornamental details which are the main clue to the age of more elaborate buildings renders a classification of the different types of plan and of masonry of some importance; where mouldings or other details are found their evidence is usually conclusive, but in their absence we must be guided by the form of the plan and by the masonry.

One object of the excavations of 1907 was to attempt to determine the course of the city wall, so as to fix the limits within which the buildings mentioned by Pausanias were probably situated. In addition to the part traced by excavation in 1906 along the river bank (General Plan, O 15, 14, P 13, (Pl. I.)) I had observed in other places remains of Greek masonry and other indications which possibly belonged to the city wall. These were accordingly examined by excavation, and with the results thus obtained and the assistance of the stamped tiles which were found in great numbers at one or two points, it has been possible to determine approximately the line of the city wall, and consequently the extent of ancient Sparta.

The Return of Hephaistos to Olympus was a popular scene in Attic vase-painting from the beginning of the sixth century through the end of the fifth century bce, and it is found occasionally on other forms of pottery as well. According to myth, Hephaistos was lame, and this disability is sometimes depicted on painted pottery, almost always in scenes of his Return. The most well-known example is the François Vase, which is often the only vase cited when discussing instances of Hephaistos's lameness on Athenian pottery. Although three other Attic vases are occasionally cited as showing the disability, one of which does not show his Return, but instead the Birth of Athena, there are actually quite a number more Attic vases that depict his lameness than have previously been recognised. In this paper I present seven new Attic examples that clearly display his lameness, and consider both the different ways in which his disability is rendered and how they relate to the various epithets associated with him For example, he is often associated with the epithet ‘clubfoot’, and while there was an established iconography of clubfoot Corinthian komasts, the god's disability is never rendered in this manner on Attic vases. Instead, he is depicted in ways more similar to other epithets associated with him. Most notably, four vases represent the disability in a fashion that seems to be connected with Hephaistos's most common Homeric epithet, ἀμφιγυήεις, or ‘with both feet crooked’.

Brief reports on the work done by the British School at Palaikastro in April and May 1902 have appeared in the Journal of Hellenic Studies (1902, p. 384) and in Man (1902, No. 119). In the present paper I propose to describe the discoveries made in the cemeteries and in the houses, reserving for a future occasion the discussion of certain problems on which fuller light may be thrown by the excavations of 1903, to be made with larger resources and over an extended area, thanks to a liberal grant from the Cretan Fund and to the unfailing goodwill of Prince George's Government. The past campaign was of a preliminary nature and cost less than £150, including the somewhat serious item of transport, but excluding that of drawings and photographs.

It was my good fortune in the early summer of 1903 to spend three weeks in the island of Karpathos, travelling with the aid of a grant from Emmanuel College. My object was to see as much as possible of the antiquities of the island, and to make observations on the mode of life and customs of the modern inhabitants. For this study of modern Greek life Karpathos, owing to its retired position, offers a peculiarly favourable field. Theodore Bent considered it for this purpose almost unique. The island is still served only by a fortnightly steamer from Rhodes, and therefore much of interest is preserved there, that has passed away in more accessible parts of the Greek world. The study of the dialect also formed part of my plan.

The excavations described in the following article were undertaken partly in the early autumn of 1907, partly in the spring of 1908. Graves 1 to 22 were discovered in the autumn, the remainder in the spring. Autumn and spring finds will be treated together, as representing one season's work. Further excavation was undertaken on the site in the spring of 1909.

The chief importance of the Rhitsóna graves does not lie in the value of the individual vases, interesting as some of them are, but rather in the simple fact that for the first time in the history of Boeotian grave digging every vase from each grave opened has been preserved, and the full contents of each grave kept carefully separate.

One of the most interesting phenomena in the history of ceramic art is the absorption of the market of the world by Attic ware. The sixth-century tombs of Italy, Sicily and elsewhere show a gradual decrease in importations from Corinth, Chalcis, Cyrene and Ionia, and by the time of the beginning of the fifth century the Attic black- and red-figured ware has acquired a complete monopoly. The area over which these Attic vases were distributed comprises almost the whole of the world as known at that time—Greece Proper, the Aegean Islands, the Cyrenaica, Egypt, Asia Minor, the Crimea and above all Italy and Sicily. The question suggests itself how far this large and varied export was influenced by the special demand in various localities; how far, in fact, each locality had its own definite needs for special vase forms, which the ceramic trade of Athens was to supply.

This paper is a brief account of the classical topography of east-central Laconia. It includes all the country on the left bank of the Eurotas between Leonidi and Zarax with the exception of the small piece directly opposite Sparta and round Chrysapha. The whole of this district is not well watered and irrigation is not possible, for the fertile, undulating plain below Geraki is well above the level of the river; the olive tree, however, flourishes here, and in the neighbourhood of Gouves there are some splendid old trees. In the alluvial plain at the mouth of the Eurotas corn grows well but is often severely damaged by winter floods.

An investigation of the very scattered literature of the Greek islands, designed primarily to supplement Mr. Dawkins's researches on the dialects, has led me to unexpectedly interesting results touching the Albanian settlements, which may be worthy of independent publication.

Besides printed sources I have consulted the Grand Insulaire of André Thevet (Paris, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Fr. 15, 453 (1586)) and the Isolarii of Antonio di Milo (B.M. (a) Julius, E. II (1587), (b) Add. MSS. 10,365 (1591)), and Francesco Lupazolo of Chios (B.M. Lansd. 792 (1638)).

We present a review of the post Bronze Age material excavated by Coldstream and Huxley at Kastri on Kythera, as part of the ongoing Kythera Island Project. In particular we refer to material not published in Coldstream and Huxley 1972. Greek material is largely confined to one deposit and dates to the period c.500 to 380 bc. From the Roman period material is more plentiful; the two relevant strata are third and late sixth to seventh centuries, with some earlier Julio-Claudian pieces. While later Medieval pottery also is largely from one deposit, the entirety of it is presented, and a mis en scène with respect to Kytheran modern history is offered.

The photographs taken in 1869 by William J. Stillman, in the Alma-Tadema collection in the Library of the University of Birmingham, give detailed evidence for the form of the tower, enlarging the discussion of it by the author in BSA 81.

When, in 1913, I published in this Annual (XVIII, 98 ff.) an account of the acrophonic numeral system in the Greek world, I hoped that within a short time I should be able to give a similar description of the other main system, the alphabetic. Owing to unforeseen difficulties, including two World Wars, that hope has not yet been realized, though I have contributed to the Annual two supplementary articles on the acrophonic numerals (XXVIII, 141 ff., XXXVII, 236 ff.), nor can I even now offer more than a first instalment of my study of the alphabetic system, in which I confine myself strictly to Attica, leaving to a separate article (which will, I hope, follow without undue delay) some account of those numerals as used elsewhere.

It is well known that in pre-Greek time a large part of Asia Minor was portioned out in theocracies, i.e. priest-kings representing the god, at great sanctuaries ruled over a considerable district whose population were servants and subjects of the central hieron. Such were Pessinus, Comana Pontica, Comana of Cappadocia, Venasa, Tyana, Antioch of Pisidia, the hieron of Sabazios in the Milyadic country, etc. It would appear to be a necessary characteristic of such a theocracy that there should be only one centre, one hieron, one sanctuary. In the case of Antioch, however, this seems not to have been the case. Strabo, p. 577, indeed describes the hieron at Antioch as if it were a single centre ruling a wide tract of country peopled by a large population; but in p. 557 he says that there were two sanctuaries in the Antiochian country, ‘the hieron of the Askaian (Men), which is beside Antioch-towards-Pisidia, and the hieron (of Men) in the region of the Antiochians.’ The meaning of ‘the region of the Antiochians’ as a geographical term I hope shortly to discuss in the Journal of Roman Studies, and will only say here that it applies to the entire Phrygian region of the Galatic province, of which Antioch was the metropolis. But why has Antioch apparently two hiera? Why has this ancient theocracy two seats of the god?

This article reappraises the iconography and function of an architectural model or pyxis from Aetos on Ithaka, represented by four sherds originally published by Martin Robertson in BSA 43 (1948), 101–2 as part of the group Aetos 600. Particular comparison is made with the iconography of an imported Ithakan kantharos from tomb 949 in the San Montano cemetery at Pithekoussai. This tomb context, dated to the third quarter of the eighth century, provides a rare fixed point in the chronology of Ithakan painting. In both cases, the mixture of Italian and Near Eastern iconographical traits suggests closer connections with contemporary Italy than the Greek mainland. Further iconographical and functional comparison is made with a figured architectural model from the Monte di Vico acropolis at Pithekoussai.

Minoanisation – the process by which Cretan ways of doing things spread throughout the Aegean – is a major focus of study in the Middle and Late Bronze Age Cycladic islands, but debate about the primary causes of the phenomenon has been concerned chiefly with its Late Bronze Age phases. In this article, the author considers the earliest phase of Minoanisation at Ayia Irini on Kea, Period V. The ceramic assemblage is considered holistically, including local and imported as well as Minoanising and non-Minoanising pottery. The Keian assemblage is compared with recently published discussions of Phase C at Akrotiri on Thera and City II-iii at Phylakopi on Melos. New, non-Minoanising features of the Keian assemblage in Period V, particularly in the form of new shapes and increased importation of Melian and/or Theran pottery, suggest that Melian and/or Theran communities engaged in new production and exchange strategies at this time. It is likely that these new intra-Cycladic relationships played an important role in changing local tastes and practices at Ayia Irini, spurring the adoption of new Minoanising as well as non-Minoanising forms of material culture and practice.

At the first appearance of the Ottomans, towards the close of the thirteenth century, Christian and Turk had already been living for two centuries side by side in the interior of Asia Minor under the rule of the Seljouk Sultans of Roum. The political history of this period is still emerging from obscurity: the social and religious history has hardly been touched. The Byzantine historians, concerned only incidentally with provinces already in partibus, give us no more than hints, and we have none of those personal and intimate records which are apt to tell us much more of social conditions than the most elaborate chronicle.

The golden age of the Sultanate of Roum is undoubtedly the reign of Ala-ed-din I. (1219–1236), whose capital, Konia, still in its decay bears witness by monument and inscription to the culture and artistic achievement of his time. Ala-ed-din was a highly-educated man and an enlightened ruler. He was familiar with Christianity, having spent eleven years in exile at Constantinople. One of his predecessors, Kaikhosru I. (1192–6, 1204–10) who likewise spent an exile in Christendom, nearly became a Christian and married a Christian wife.