^{page 226 note 1} Rhitsóna was first visited by Professor Burrows in April, 1905, with the view of determining the site of Mycalessos. Two years later he obtained a grant from the Oxford Craven Fund with the primary object of making a further search for the Temple of Delium (see B.S.A. xi. p. 153, xii. p. 93). Ten days' digging at Dilisi showed no traces of the temple, and Professor Burrows transferred his camp to Rhitsóna, and dug there from September 3rd to September 14th, 1907. He was joined by Mr. P. N. Ure, at the time Lecturer at Cardiff, and now at Leeds, who was out in Greece with a grant from Caius College and the Worts Fund, Cambridge. In the following spring, from March 24th to April nth, 1908, Mr. Ure continued the excavations with grants from the Cambridge Craven Fund and the Committee of the British School at Athens. Mr. Maurice Rackham was present during part of the second excavations. In preparing the finds for publication the writers have had the assistance of an old Cardiff student, Miss Grace E. Holding, now Classical Mistress at the North London Collegiate School, many of whose photographs and drawings, taken in the Museum at Thebes, are here reproduced. The remaining photographs were taken by the writers. The coloured illustrations are from water-colours by Monsieur E. Gilliéron. M. Pottier, Dr. Zahn, and Mr. J. H. Hopkinson have, among others, made valuable suggestions during the course of the work. Mr. C. H. Hawes has kindly reported on the scanty remains of bones.

The Excavators wish to acknowledge the kindness and courtesy of Mr. Dawkins, Director of the British School at Athens and of Mr. Hill, Director of the American School; of Mr. Byzantinos, of the Ministry of Public Instruction, and of the three Government officials who have been associated with them in their work, Mr. Tsamarelos, Mr. Keramopoullos, and Mr. Skias. It is due to the enlightened enterprise of Mr. Keramopoullos, now Ephor of the Museum at Thebes, that the excavators have been able to arrange the finds in their wall cases, grave by grave, and to exhibit in each case the total contents, and not merely the show vases of a grave. He has also given them ungrudging help by sending information on doubtful points while they were in England. Last, but not least, they wish to express their great indebtedness to Mr. Kavvadias, Ephor General of Antiquities, for the unfailing support he has given them in furthering the work of excavation.

^{page 227 note 1} Böhlau was the first to discuss this class of vases in amasterly article in the Jahrb. 1888, (pp. 325–64) entitled ‘Böotische Vasen.’ He gave the name ‘Übergangs-stil,’ and Holleaux, (Mon. Piot, Vol. i. p. 29)Google Scholar followed him with ‘le style dit de transition.’ Such a relative term, however, could scarcely be maintained, and although Pottier in his text (Vol. i. p. 24. 1) follows Böhlau and Holleaux, he gives in his Plates (Plate 21) the name ‘Vases Géométriques de Béotie.’ So Collignon and Couve (Pl. XVIII.) label the large series in the National Museumat Athens as ‘Vases Géométriques, Style Béotien.’ At the time when our coloured plate (VIII.) was struck off, we were still in clined, with misgivings, to follow the two catalogues, and used the words ‘Boeotian Geometric.’ Our analysis of the style, however, in § 6, showed us that the name was too misleadiug to perpetuate, classing as it does 6th and, at the earliest, late 7th century vases, which are under Oriental and perhaps Corinthian influence (see pp.314 f.) both with (a) the local Geometric from which Böhlau (p.345) derives them, and which Holleaux (p.39, n.1 and p.40) believes he has found in his unpublished excavations at the Ptoön, and with (a) a group of Boeotian vases under Dipylon influence, for which see especially Wide, , Jahrb. 1899, pp. 78–83Google Scholar, Böhlau, ibid. 1888, pp.351–3. Still more serious objections could be raised to de Ridder's, name (B.C. ff. 1895, pp. 179–181)Google Scholar, of ‘Proto-Béotien.’ The simple word ‘Boeotian’ on the other hand, in the sense of Boeotian ‘par excellence,’ would only have been a counsel of despair, and we have decided on ‘Boeotian Kylix Style’ as the clearest and most legitimate title available. Of the 72 vases of our style published by Böhlau (pp. 325–342), 55 are kylikes, and so are no less than 143 of the 152 Rhitsóna vases published in this article and in J.H.S. xxix, pt. 2. The addition of the word ‘Style’ was necessary in order to include the residuum of 17 and 9 vases which differ from the kylix in shape though not in style, as well as to facilitate reference to the corresponding figurines.

^{page 227 note 2} Böhlau, , Jahrb. 1888, p. 326Google Scholar, has nothing but hearsay to go upon for the Theban graves, and Holleaux, (Mon. Piot, I. 1894, p. 32, n. 2)Google Scholar though he saw at Schimatári ‘au moment de leur découverte’ most of the Tanagra finds published in the Δελτίον᾿Αρχ for 1888, was, if we under stand him right, not present at the actual opening of the graves, and has to fall back on hearsay evidence scarcely more accurate than that at the disposal of Böhlau. The Δελτίον (pp. 57, 61, 218), shows that those responsible for the excavations there recorded did not direct their attention to the questions of vase dating. For a discussion of the fragments found by Holleaux himself at the Temple of the Ptoan Apollo, see below, p. 313, n. 3.

^{page 228 note 1} In the final publication of the whole excavation the catalogue itself will be amplified, and doubtless corrected, in many particulars. The plain black ware, for instance, is not yet all mended. To wait for this would have unduly delayed publication.

^{page 228 note 2} 12, 36, 40, 46.

^{page 228 note 3} 1, 6, 13, 14, 74, 75.

^{page 228 note 4} 8, 10, 29, 30, 33, 34, 38, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61 (a), 61 (b), 66, 67, 68, 78.

^{page 228 note 5} 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 15, 17, 24, 25, 27, 28, 28 (a), 32 (a), 32 (b), 32 (c), 35, 37, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 53, 54, 64, 70, 71, 76.

^{page 228 note 6} 62, 63, 65, 69, 72, 73, 77.

^{page 228 note 7} 7, 11, 16, 19, 20, 23.

^{page 229 note 1} H. N. Ulrichs (Reisen in Griech. Pt. 2, p. 31) quotes Statius, , Theb. vii. 272Google Scholar, pinigeris Mycalessus in agris, and remarks that in his day it was still true. This was seventy years ago, and since then the trees have been almost entirely destroyed. Their memory, however, is still green, and the peasants like to derive the name of the district from the ῥετσινα of its once famous firs. Not even the absence of the trees can destroy that ‘Lebhaftigkeit’ that attracted Ulrichs to Rhitsóna.

^{page 230 note 1} E.g. Eur. Alc. 835, 999, 1000.

^{page 230 note 2} Quomodo Sepulchra Tanagraei decoraverint. Paris, 1884, p. 4. Cp., however, ib. p. 69.

^{page 231 note 1} Cp. the plan of the Cemetery, Dipylon in Ath. Mitt. xviii. Pl. VII.Google Scholar

^{page 231 note 2} For some distance indeed there are traces of two road-courses, which from their position probably belonged to the same road at different periods. Even in winter there is no water in them and they cannot be stream-courses.

^{page 231 note 3} ‘Ancient Wall’ of Fig. I. Description to be published later.

^{page 232 note 1} Our only two coins, found in the wall foundations, are both mediaeval.

^{page 232 note 2} His journeys were finished before 1838. See Passow's Introduction to the second part of his Reisen und Forschungen, 1863, pt. xii. The chapter in which the account of Mycalessos occurs was first published in Ann. dell' Instituto, xviii. (1846), pp. 1–18.

^{page 232 note 3} ap. Paus. vol. v. pp. 66–70.

^{page 232 note 4} As is done by both Baedeker and the Guide Joanne.

^{page 232 note 5} Thuc. viii. 64.

^{page 234 note 1} Anephorites is the Pass on the left of the photograph.

^{page 234 note 2} 798, 1442.

^{page 234 note 3} The Euripus is in the middle distance. The road winds down the pass till it reaches it.

^{page 234 note 4} Hymn to Apollo, 224.

^{page 234 note 5} Where the roadside shrine now stands?

^{page 234 note 6} Vol. v. pp. 70–1. The name Hermaion would be suitable for a boundary shrine.

^{page 234 note 7} The photograph was taken from the same spot as Fig. 2, with camera reversed. Rhitsóna is the bare spot in the middle distance.

^{page 235 note 1} Op. cit. p. 66. He talks of the ‘hamlet of Rhitzona’ ‘lying in the valley about a mile and a half to the east of the ruins.’

^{page 235 note 2} Cp. B.S.A. xii. pp. 93, &c. with ib. xi. pp. 153, etc.

^{page 235 note 3} Op. cit. p. 30. His account is not clear, but he makes the city extend to the end of the ridge above the Khan. Indeed he found so many remains, ihat in Thuc. vii. 29, he preferred the reading οὔσῃ μεγάλῃ of most MSS. to the οὔσῃ οὐ μεγάλῃ of the Vaticanus (B), adopted by the editors. In regard to the frequency with which B inserts small words as against all other MSS. (see E. C. Marchant, Thuc. vii. p. xlii), Mr. H. Stuart Jones writes to us that he can only claim that ‘it is more often right than wrong.’ He adds, however, rightly, that from the stylistic point of view its reading seems the more natural one.

^{page 235 note 4} We need not here enter into the date of the large circuit of Plataea. See Frazer, , Pans. vol. v. pp. 11–12.Google Scholar As, however, Professor Beloch once remarked to one of the writers, so long as a wall was reasonably strong, it was good policy, before the development of the science of siege engines, to make its circuit as wide as possible. What was to be guarded against was not assault, but starvation through blockade. Garden and grazing ground had to be included. From the fourth century onward these reasons would operate less strongly. In support of Ulrichs’ οὔσῃ μεγάλῃ (see note 3 above) it might be urged that Thucydides talks of τὰ ἱερά and ‘the largest school in the city.’ If the city had been originally small, these plurals do not fit in well with the weakness and decay of the walls. But if it was originally an important city, with along wall circuit, it would just be the walls which would be first neglected in the days of decadence, though the population was still not inconsiderable.

^{page 236 note 1} The using up of stones for house building is a slow matter in so thinly populated a district.

^{page 236 note 2} Iliad, ii. 498.

^{page 236 note 3} Hymn to Apollo, 224.

^{page 236 note 4} Ox. Pap. v. p. 225.

^{page 236 note 5} Head, Hist. Num. p. 293; Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins of Central Greece, pp. 51, xli.

^{page 236 note 6} i. 23. 3; ix. 19. 4.

^{page 236 note 7} There would be a road from Aulis to Tanagra, and probably a coast road from the Euripus to Aulis. Goods, too, could be landed at Dilisi for Tanagra.

^{page 236 note 8} Αθ. Πολ 15, Hdt. i. 61, where both Thebes and Eretria help Peisistratos in his return from his second exile, B.c. 539/8 (?). See Busolt, ii.² pp. 324, 376.

^{page 237 note 1} By the Athenian alliance with Plataea, B.c. 519 (E. Meyer, ii. p. 780) or 510/9 (Busolt, ii.² P. 399; and Macan, ad Hdt. vi. 108). For the question as to whether this brought with it estrangement from Eretria, as suggested by the quickly ensuing alliance with Chalcis, see below, p. 238.

^{page 237 note 2} Hdt. v. 74–77.

^{page 237 note 3} Busolt, ii.² p. 442.

^{page 237 note 4} Bergk, , Poet. Lyr. iii.⁴ pp. 448, 462.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 1} J.H.S. xxvi. pp. 96–7.

^{page 238 note 2} Hdt. viii. 46; ix. 28; and Macan, , ap. vi. 101.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 3} The Thessalians, for instance, who had helped Chalcis against Eretria, are allies of Hippias in his last years of power. Is this to be taken as meaning that the Thessalians were no longer pro-Chalcidian, or that Hippias was now estranged from Eretria? Or, more naturally, that the Hellenic world was temporarily regrouped? Busolt, i.² p. 456; Hdt. v. 63.

^{page 238 note 4} The Peisistratid question prevents us from drawing a conclusion from the fact noted above (p. 237), that Thebes, when estranged from Athens, is found acting with Chalcis and no longer with Eretria. We cannot be sure whether this happened before or after the expulsion of Hippias. Similarly the co-operation of Eretria with the Athenian democracy in the Ionian revolt cannot help us here, as in the first place the bond of union was rather common friendship with Miletus than friendship between the two cities themselves; and secondly because the Hippias question had become by that time less prominent.

^{page 240 note 1} So Paus. i. 28, 2; Diodorus x. 24. Hdt. however (v. 77), uses the words τέθριππον χάλκεον

^{page 240 note 2} Corolla Numismatica, p. 6. Head, Hist. Num. p. 303, published the coin as Chalcidian without seeing the special point.

^{page 240 note 3} For the rarity of the dedication of chariots in war see Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings, Indices. They were common for victory in the games (see ibid. p. 164–5). Of the two war dedications of chariots he mentions (pp. 107, 110) one seems to have been actual spoils, see Plut. Timol. 27; the other, so far as can be gathered from B.C.H. iii. p. 471, has nothing to do with a chariot. The Chalcidians could not at this time have fought with chariots any more than the Athenians. If the allusion had been to the Athenian cavalry, who, if Bergk is right (Poet. Lyr. Gr. ⁴ Vol. iii. p. 462, ap. no. 108), distinguished themselves in the earlier part of the campaign, the offering would have been a horse, as it was in the case of the cavalry skirmish commemorated in C.I.A. iv. i. p. 184, 418 h. A war dedication, which did not consist of spoil, actual or typical, or of an image of a god, would presumably have some special significance. For a punning parallel to our Harma hypothesis compare the statue of Leaena on the Acropolis, the traditional explanation of which is rightly defended by Plew and Frazer (Paus. ii. p. 274). For the alternative suggestion see the many examples of dedication of city arms brought together by G. Macdonald in his Coin Types, pp. 62–5. If it is objected that our arms are not those of the dedicating state, we may find a parallel in the decrees of προξενία of the fourth and third centuries, B.C., when the arms of the state to which the foreigner belonged were generally engraved on the inscription. See Macdonald, op. cit. pp. 65, 70; Perdrizet, , B.C.H. xx. p. 459Google Scholar, &c. The fact that it is the enemy who is alluded to, is a natural development of the custom of dedicating spoils, cp. the Bronze Horse and Captive Women of the Tarentine trophy at Olympia (Paus. x. 10) and their other trophy at Delphi (id. x. 13) with its horsemen and footmen, including Opis, King of the Iapygians, who fought against them.

^{page 241 note 1} For the evidence see the catalogue passim and the concluding section, pp. 308 f.

^{page 241 note 2} 1, 6, 74, 75, 13, 14.

^{page 241 note 3} See above, p. 228.

^{page 241 note 4} See above, p. 229.

^{page 241 note 5} That caution is necessary, even when the case seems convincing, is shown by the fact that Orsi has never been able to find the Syracusan Necropolis of the fifth century, see Mon. Ant. xvii. p. 533 (Gela). It cannot be pleaded in that case, as it is by Böhlau for Pitigliano in Jahrb. 1900, p. 156, that the city was abandoned from the sixth to the third centuries.

^{page 242 note 1} Like modern English graves; ‘shaft graves’ is the name given them by Brückner and Pernice in their article on the Dipylon, Ath. Mitt, xviii.

^{page 242 note 2} Disturbed graves are here included.

^{page 242 note 3} To be published later.

^{page 242 note 4} In Grave 46 the small bronze nails may have belonged to a wooden box that has completely disappeared.

^{page 242 note 5} The round discs that form the nail-heads in Grave 49 (see below, p. 256) are similar to those (·015 m. or some ·012 m. in diam.) that were used as nail-heads for the eighth or seventhcentury wooden coffin from Gordion (see Gordion, p. 44, Abb. 6, a and b, and p. 98). This shows that such nail-heads were used in early wooden construction, but not that they were peculiar to coffins.

^{page 242 note 6} Ath. Mitt, xviii. 1893, p. 186.

^{page 242 note 7} Griech. Hohsarkophage, 1905, p. 66.

^{page 244 note 1} loc. cit. p. 150.

^{page 244 note 2} ib. p. 415, Plate XIV.

^{page 244 note 3} Graves VI., XIV., and III. See F. Poulsen, Die Dipylongräber, p. 22.

^{page 244 note 4} In our Grave 46 a thin black stratum of earth was also noticed just above the ledge. There was no trace, however, of such a thing in any of the other graves, except possibly in 26.

^{page 244 note 5} See Ath. Mitt, xviii, p. 151, and Daremberg-Saglio, ii. 2, p. 1375. Fig. 3342. It is possible, however, that this is an artistic convention. Even if closed coffins were actually used, the artist might have felt it proper that the corpse should be in view; cp. the Dipylon ship-scenes in Ath. Mitt. xvii. figs. 9 and 10, where a whole warrior, shield and all, is visible through each port-hole, and an interesting suggestion made by Mr. Way (see Prof. Rhys Roberts's forthcoming edition of Dion. Hal. de comp. Verb, last chapter) that Simonides thought of the λάρναξ δαιδαλέη as a closed little Noah's ark, but that the artists would not consent to have Danae and Perseus invisible.

^{page 244 note 6} At Rhitsóna the vases are considerably crushed and broken. A fall of earth caused by the decay of covering boards would account for this; but so, perhaps, would the steady pressure of three metres of earth shovelled in at the time. In either case the great mass of the vases and their careless stacking may have helped to account for the situation. Intentional breakage before deposition in the tomb (Gsell, Fouilles de Vulci, p. 255) would not account for it.

^{page 244 note 7} In our Hellenistic stone-slab graves this actually was the case, and the majority of the objects were on the top of the slabs, or round them. In Grave 13 (J.H.S. xxx), our only early stone-slab grave, two objects were outside, fifteen inside.

^{page 244 note 8} See below p. 246.

^{page 245 note 1} A coffin would certainly keep the vase mass in position, but the same purpose might be served by a bier with legs, such as we see on a Dipylon vase figured in Daremberg-Saglio, ii. 2. p. 1375. Fig. 3342. On some other representations (e.g. Rayet, Mon. de l'Art Antique, Pl. LXXV.) it is not clear what are the legs of the bier, and what the sides of the hearse. If the biers used at Rhitsóna were low, and without legs, like the kind of mattrass figured in D.-S., p. 1374 (Fig. 3340, Black-figure kantharos), where a dead body is borne to the grave by four men, and not on a hearse, it might be argued that the vases could scarcely have been stacked to such a height without falling over the body. There may, however, have been some special contrivance to prevent this, which has left no traces, or perhaps the stacking was, after all, carefully done. With well preserved bodies, inferences may conceivably be drawn from their position as to how near the στέρεο they were originally placed; with our few decayed bones this would be out of the question.

^{page 245 note 2} Wooden coffins may well, of course, have existed in sixth-century Boeotia. We see an undoubted closed wooden coffin being lowered into the grave by four men on a black-figure Ioutrophoros (D-S. p. 1378. Fig. 3346). In the Gordion coffin, too, mentioned above, bronze nails were used, though what Watzinger calls the ‘organische Verbindung’ of dovetailing, and the disuse of metal nails, seem to have begun in Greece in the fifth century (Griech. Hohsark. pp. 66–67), and became the rule from the fourth century to the present day. It should be noticed, if we are inclined to press such survivals, that in modern Thrace and Macedonia the side boards that enclose a corpse are nailed together, though the top boards that are laid upon them are not. This is, without doubt, because repeated interments in the same grave are still the rule there. Our informant is Mr. Ch. Giamelides, a native of Adrianople, now ᾿Επιμελητὴς ᾿Αρχαιοτήτων in Greece.

^{page 245 note 3} The figures for Graves 49, 50, 51, 31, 26, 18 are 447, 406, 321, 379, 245, 270. The figures for none of our other graves are as large as for these six. Those for Graves 46, 40, and 12 (J.H.S.xxix. pt. 2) are 159, 136, and 60. Those for the pithoi and for some of the other early graves are quite small.

^{page 245 note 4} With the limitation that even in single interments the presence of an heirloom, e.g., perhaps, the Vourva vase (cp. Ath. Mitt, xviii. Plate II., with ib. xv. Plate XI. )in the Marathon Soros, may introduce an earlier element. This question, however, does not affect the problems of our vase dating, as in every case the vases which some archaeologists might expect to be earlier than the rest occur in large numbers, and, further, are found in the same environment in nine different graves, see below, p. 248.

^{page 246 note 1} For the details see the end of the catalogue of each grave.

^{page 246 note 2} Grave 13, to be published J.H.S. xxx.

^{page 246 note 3} To be published later.

^{page 246 note 4} Grave 13 is 2·00 m. long by ·61 in. broad, and most of the Hellenistic graves are of about the same size, but some smaller. None of them contain masses of vases. A Dipylon Geometric grave (No. VIII, Ath. Mitt, xviii, p. 115), containing a single skeleton, was 2·55 m. long by 1·05 m. broad, but their usual length (Poulsen, p. 21) was about 2 m.

^{page 246 note 5} ·90 m. broad, and at least 2·30 m. long.

^{page 247 note 1} No. N, as opposed to Nos. S, T, U, X, Y, Z, A, I, O.

^{page 247 note 2} Mon. Ant. xvii. pp. 234, 243.

^{page 247 note 3} So at Syracuse, and Hyblaea, Megara (Mon. Ant. xvii. pp. 236–7)Google Scholar, monolithic sarcophagi were generally reopened for further interments. At Gela, though this was sometimes done (e.g. Sep. 81, p. 59), the more usual practice was to group other forms of grave round the sar cophagus, which thus, as Orsi suggests, may have contained the head of the family.

^{page 247 note 4} To be published later.

^{page 247 note 5} Contrast what we have called Grave 36 (J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2), where there was no doubt as to the objects having been disturbed.

^{page 248 note 1} We have had no opportunity of seeing the contents of the Tomb, Pylaea (Fouilles de Delphes, Tom. V. Fase. 2, 1908)Google Scholar, which Perdrizet, on a priori grounds, regards as a mixture of interments of different epochs. The day-book apparently did not contain sufficient particulars, and he may be right. But a priori disregard of the prima facie evidence of excavation is dangerous in the present state of our ignorance as to the length of time during which some vase styles survived.

^{page 249 note 1} With the one exception that there are no kothons nor Black-figure vases in Grave 40.

^{page 249 note 2} As also Grave 36 (J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2).

^{page 249 note 3} Quomodo Sepulchra, p. 66. It is, of course, only the nearness of Tanagra which makes the point worth discussing. In different parts of the Greek world we should expect burial customs to differ. Thus in describing the Necropolis of Gela, (Mon. Ant. xvii. 1907, pp. 234, 242)Google Scholar, Orsi notices as in the natural order of things that the fosse in nuda terra belonged there only to the lowest order of society.

^{page 250 note 1} Apud Kelaulé, , Grieck. Thon. Fig. aus Tanagra, 1878, p. II.Google Scholar

^{page 250 note 2} Quomodo, p. 63.

^{page 251 note 1} Cp. for technique and decoration Ath. Nat. Mus. 11734 (bottom of case 18, Αἰθ.Α´), toy vases of various shapes.

^{page 251 note 2} For ivy garlands cp. Grave 46, No. 81 (J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2); Louvre E 696, 698, 699, and F 67 (Pottier, Plate 68 and vol. iii. p. 743); Ath. Nat. Mus., Nos. 53t and 1105 (Collignon and Couve, Nos. 641 and 647); Paris, Bib. Nat. No. 178 (de Ridder, pp. 72, 84). See also Couve, , B.C.H. 1898, pp. 297–9Google Scholar For ivy as Minoan motive see Phylakopi, PI. XIX. No. 1.

^{page 252 note 1} Cp. Orsi, , Gela. Mon. Ant. xvii. p. 634Google Scholar, Fig. 447, top pair. Louvre, Room L, ceñire table case, Nos. 144 and CA 809.

^{page 252 note 2} Cp. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, V. 125 (case 2, 22); Louvre, E 328–331 and room L, case F, front corner of bottom case but one; Corneto, Museo Municipale, Stanza Il.

^{page 252 note 3} Cp., e.g. B.M., A 1091; Louvre, E 332 (Pottier, Pl. 39).

^{page 252 note 4} A full discussion of these so-called kothons, and the allied types with kothon rims, will appear J.H.S. xxx.

^{page 252 note 5} For examples of these and kothons, see the extreme right and left vases of Fig. 15, and the text, p. 273.

^{page 252 note 6} Pernice, , Jahrb. 1899, p. 72Google Scholar, note 27, mentions, on authority of Loeschcke, a tripod vase at Bonn of which the body has, like the present one, a rounded vertical section.

^{page 253 note 1} Catalogue des Vases Peints du Mus. Nat. d Athènes. See below, note 3. For a general discussion of the provenance of our black-figure ware, see J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2.

^{page 253 note 2} Cp. below, No. 261.

^{page 253 note 3} For shape cp. Paris, Bib. Nat. No. 314 (de Ridder, Cat. p. 206, PI. III). For style cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. 435 (from Boeotia) and 532. On problem of provenance, Orsi, , Mon. Ant. xix. pt. 2, p. 98Google Scholar; and cp. Collignon and Couve (Cat. des Vases du Musée d' Athènes) on Nat. Mus. Nos. 435 and 532 (just quoted), 1074, 1149, 1104, 535. For boxers cp. Nikosthenic vases, e.g. Vatican, room beyond Crescent. For a javelin represented by a single line, see J.H.S. xxvii. pp. 165, 171; and ibid. PI. XX. Mr. E. N. Gardiner infers from the position of the right hand that our javelin probably had an amentum. For officials and friends carrying cloaks on their arms see J.H.S. xxv. PI. XII. For runners doing so (as on inside) cp. No. 252.

^{page 254 note 1} For Theseus and Minotaur cp. Orsi, Gela, Tav. 30 and refs. on pp. 415–6.

^{page 254 note 2} Note dominance of a very few letters, particularly Ε and Π, and cp. Bib. Nat. No. 315, (de Ridder, Cat. pp. 206, 210) ‘où dominent ρ & ο’ Does this mean that the inscriptions represent bars of music? Cp. also Gaz. Arch. 1888, No. XV, p. 204.

^{page 254 note 3} Cp. Athens Nat. Mus. Αἰθ.Α´ 1119, from Tanagra (Collignon and Couve, No. 617).

^{page 254 note 4} Cp. J.H.S. xix. PI. V. where note ornament round rim and round lower part of body of pictured kantharos on a black-figure amphora attributed by G. Karo (p. 135) to Amasis.

^{page 255 note 1} This ware has not yet been fully mended. The numbers given for it in this and the other graves have been arrived at by counting the feet of the vases, and the handle fragments that showed the juncture with the body.

^{page 255 note 2} Like our Grave 12, Nos. 49 and 50, to be illustrated in J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2. For shape cp. also B.S.A. vi. Figs. 31, 32, p. 103, late L.M. iii. verging to Early Geometric; cp. B.S.A. ix. Fig. 17, p. 318, from Palaikastro.

^{page 255 note 3} Like Brit. Mus., B. 54 and 56.

^{page 255 note 4} Cp. Louvre, L. 145. Athens, Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Πηλ. Α´ case 94, top shelf but one. Schimatari Museum, stacked in large quantities.

^{page 255 note 5} Like Grave 40, No. 129, to be illustrated in J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2; and Arch. Anz. 1891, p. 21, Abb. 4; cp. Athens, Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Πηλ. Α´ case 94, top shelf; Schimatari Museum, stacked like the horsemen.

^{page 255 note 6} See Böhlau, , Jahrb. 1888, p. 342Google Scholar, No. 72, and Jamot, , B.C.H. 1890, p. 205Google Scholar, and refs. there given. Both take it as part of head-dress. For a convincing example see Arch. Anz. 1889, p. 156.

^{page 255 note 7} Like Brit. Mus. B. 30.

^{page 255 note 8} Cp. Louvre, L. 136, and (in same case) MNB 538.

^{page 256 note 1} Cp. Louvre, L, 148.

^{page 256 note 2} Cp. Grave 40, No. 136 (J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2); and Athens, Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Πηλ. Α´ one which has Boeotian yellow, as well as red and white of our example.

^{page 257 note 1} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. 953 and 954 (= Collignon and Couve, Pl. XVIII. No. 454 and Böhlau, Jahrb., 1888, Fig. 15); same shape; decoration of lower part thin horizontal lines, of upper, palmettes on spirals as on normal Boeotian kylix type. Also cp. ibid No. 964, on upper part vertical, straight, and zigzag lines and form of herring-bone pattern as on Boeotian kylix, Grave 26, No. 1; ibid.Αἰθ. Α´ case 10 bottom, Boentian birds round top part. For shape cp. also Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α´ 738, Geometric from Kerameikos.

^{page 258 note 1} Cp. Louvre, F 1971, in good black glaze: a common Corinthian shape, cp. Bari, Museo Provinciale, case 16, with frieze of Corinthian animals; Athens, Nat. Mus. Á, No. 917 (Collignon and Couve, Pl. XXVI. No. 628); Louvre, E, Nos. 442, 444–9 (see Pottier, PI. 41, E 445); Bologna, Room vi; Wilisch, Altkorinthische Tonindustrie, Taf. II. 21, and p. 24.

^{page 259 note 1} Cp. No. 265, bottom zone.

^{page 260 note 1} Cp. Arch. Zeit, xxxix (1881), Taf. IV.

^{page 260 note 2} Perseus appears on the similar vase from Tanagra published by Loe-chcke, , Arch. Zeit, xxxix. pp. 29–52.Google Scholar Cp. also Boston Museum Report, 1898, p. 58, No. 24; Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 12037; Louvre, E 874.

^{page 260 note 3} CP. Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 623 (=Collignon and Couve, Pl. XXVI. No. 630, classed as Corinthian). The Athens example has handles like Rhitsóna, Grave 18, Nos. 233 and 234; ᾿Εφ. ᾿Αρχ 1885, p. 264; Böhlau, , Jahrb. 1887, p. 42.Google Scholar Cp. also Louvre, CA 1339, Salle L, from Boeotia. For floral ornament cp. Nat. Mus. 325 and 624 (Collignon and Couve, Pl. XXII. No. 534, Pl. XXIV. No. 601); Louvre, MNB 1729 (trefoil mouthed oinochoe of Corinthian style found in Greece). For squatting ithyphallic figure in centre of top zone of side illustrated cp. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α´ No. 938 (tripod vase), (=Collignon and Couve, Pl. XXV. 616).

^{page 261 note 1} For difficulties about classing this vase and others (e.g. No. 264 and Grave 51, No. 51) see J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2.

^{page 261 note 2} For arrangement of lotuses and stalks cp. Louvre, E 646 (Pottier, PI. 51), ibid. E 695, which has however between the cocks a floral ornament like No. 273 of this grave, also E 808, 809, 810, and F 380 (Pottier, PI. 87).

^{page 261 note 3} For style cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 1074.

^{page 262 note 1} The numbers here given are only approximate. They are probably underestimated. The large number of kantharoi in this and other graves shows that the statements in Walters-Birch, , Hist. of Anc. Pottery, i. 187–8Google Scholar, that the kantharos was ‘never a very popular shape,’and that ‘probably it was considered a difficult shape to produce in pottery, and was commoner in metal examples,’must be modified.

^{page 264 note 1} Cp. B.C.H. xiv. p. 219, Fig. 7.

^{page 264 note 2} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Πηλ. Α´ No. 4608. Louvre A, case F, from Cyprus.

^{page 265 note 2} Cp. ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1892, Πίν 8 and 9, top band of neck.

^{page 265 note 3} To be illustrated subsequently. It is something like Ath. Nat. Mus. 248 (Collignon and Couve, Pl. XVIII. No. 440=Böhlau, No. 44 and Fig. 10): cp. also Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α ´ No. 859 (‘Phaleron’style)=Collignon and Couve, No. 418; Louvre, room A, sherd from Clazomenae, black on cream ground, in case behind catalogues.

^{page 266 note 1} Cp. Louvre, A 570 and A 571

^{page 266 note 2} For bottom part of decoration cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 528; Orsi, Mon. Ant. i. vase figured p. 854.

^{page 266 note 3} Nos. 33–36 are Corinthian according to Pottier, , Cat. vol. i. pp. 421–9Google Scholar, but Nos. 28–36 seem a single series. Pallat, Cp., Ath. Mitt, xxii, pp. 315–320.Google Scholar For a discussion of provenance see J. H. S. xxix. pt. 2.

^{page 266 note 4} For shape Orsi, Cp., Gela. Mon. Ant. xvii. p. 138Google Scholar, Fig. 101; Collignon and Couve, PI. XXIII. No. 588. Wilisch, Altkorinth. Toninduslrie, Taf. i, Fig. 11, and p. 21.

^{page 267 note 1} Cp. Bologna Museum, Room vi. (Pellegrini, Cat. Nos. 21 and 28).

^{page 267 note 2} Cp. Grave 40, No. 18, illustrated in J.H.S. xxix, pt. 2.

^{page 267 note 3} For spiral ornament cp. also odd-shaped vase of Boeotian kylix type in Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 12878; Louvre, CA 1583, early Boeotian amphora; and ib. F 226, blazon on Boeotian shield on b. -f. amphora. On ib. E 703, woman at altar fleeing from two warriors holds object of this shape; a bird is on the altar. Is there a contamination here with the Minoan double axe? See the altar scene on the Hagia Triada sarcophagus, Mon. Ant. xix. pt. i. Tav. II.

^{page 268 note 1} E.g. the collar on the gesso-duro torso, B.S.A. vii. Fig. 6, p. 16. For the approximation to this design of a debased papyrus spray there is an early example, perhaps before the end of L.M. II., in Evans, Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, Fig. 143, p. 158; cp. ib. p. 126.

^{page 268 note 2} To be published subsequently. For central fig. cp. Louvre, A 478 (Pottier, PI. 17).

^{page 268 note 3} Cp. Grave 31, Nos. 209–216. Also p. 261, note 1.

^{page 269 note 1} For an almost identical vase cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 12847, from Tanagra, incised ΡγLΟΑΤΙΑΕΜΙ For frieze cp. ib.Αἰθ. Α´ 475 (Collignon and Couve 837) cover of pyxis, and Louvre, Room F, kylix (pencil-marked) S 1292, also meant to be seen upside down.

^{page 270 note 1} For palmettes Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. 1150 (Chalcis or Tanagra.) (= Collignon and Couve, No. 810.)

^{page 271 note 1} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. Room I., Nos. 240, (= Collignon and Couve, 434, Pl. XVIII.), 241, 245, 250 955. 963.

^{page 271 note 2} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. 248.

^{page 271 note 3} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. 246.

^{page 272 note 1} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. 962 (= Collignon and Couve, 451), four handles; black on ferruginous; body wavy lines as in 17, but more regular; with decoration of foot cp. decoration of foot of 18.

^{page 272 note 2} Cp. for shape and decoration of shoulder, Orsi, , Mon. Ant. xvii. p. 116Google Scholar, Fig. 85; also Bari, Mus. Prov. No. 2727 (case 16). The body of the Bari vase has a band of double almettes recalling the floral decoration of some of our black-figure ware, and below this a band of degenerate ivy leaves recalling our kothons; cp. also Louvre, L 199, with main band, however, like Grave 51, No. 31, and ivy leaves (?) on shoulder like kothons, Grave 26, Nos. 78 and 79. For check pattern on Boeotian kylix type cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. 244, but both may of course inherit it from early Geometric: e.g. Jahrb. 1899, p. 201, Fig. 69 = Ath. Nat. Mus. 804; ibid. p. 211, Fig. 87 = Ath. Nat. Mus. 722.

^{page 273 note 1} For style Cp. Nos. 189, 190, 203, 204, 207, 208, clashed below, p. 277.

^{page 273 note 2} As on Ath. Mitt, xxii, p. 288, Fig. 14 (Proto-Corinthian from Aegina).

^{page 273 note 3} For same birds and fill-ornament still more degenerate, see Ath. Nat. Mus. (oinochoe), No. 690.

^{page 274 note 1} Cp. a similar vase Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Πηλ. Β´ case 109 bottom, with lid that does not seem to belong. For a discussion of Nos. 151 to 153 see article on kothons in J.H.S. xxx.

^{page 275 note 1} Cp. J.H.S. xx. p. 106, Fig. 2; Louvre, F 311; J. Harrison, Prolegom. to Study of Gk. Relig. pp. 279, 305–6, 326–332.

^{page 275 note 2} For this ornament, see Grave 51, No. 50; Louvre, Room L, CA 823 Rev. Arch. 1899, p. 4, Fig. 8), lekythos found in Boeotia; cp. also ‘pomegranate’ ornament of Kyrenaic, e.g. Louvre, E 673, and Sparta (Burlington Magazine, Nov. 1908, Plate II.).

^{page 275 note 3} Cp. moulding on stems of Teisias kantharoi, Grave 18, Nos. 133 to 135.

^{page 276 note 1} Cp. Orsi, Mon. Ant. xvii., Gela, p. 103, Fig. 66, and Mon. Ant. i. p. 899, note 1.

^{page 276 note 2} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α ´ No. 518, from Eretria.

^{page 276 note 3} For sphinxes Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α ´ Nos. 636 (provenance unknown), 360 (Tanagra), 12265 (Boeotia); Bologna, Room X., case L (Zannoni, Tav. IX. Figs. 12, 13, Sepolc. 4; Tav. CXXXIII. Figs. 4, 5, 6, Sepolc. 38); Brit. Mus. B 92 (85), 13 90 (83), B 93 (91), also cases 31, 32, 38, and B 390 and 399.

^{page 277 note 1} For blazon Cp. Orsi, , Gela, Mon. Ant. xvii. Pl. XXIII.Google Scholar, and perhaps Hartwig, Meisterschalen, Pl. XXI.

^{page 277 note 2} Exactly like Ath. Nat. Mus. Nos. 12261 and 12262.

^{page 278 note 1} Cp. Bologna, Room VI. central case nearest Athena head; Orsi, , Mon. Ant. i. p. 848Google Scholar, Megara Hyblaea, Grave XCIV., where note context of find.

^{page 278 note 2} The palmette and degenerate lotus on a cable, occur on an amphora in the Vatican, Room VII., signed by Nikosthenes.

^{page 278 note 3} Cp. Louvre, Nécropole de Myrina, No. 526 (5).

^{page 278 note 4} Cp. miniature vases from Boeotia, Brit. Mus. Room I, case D; and from Eleusis in the Eleusis Museum; Ath. Nat. Mus. Room III., case 64, with Kabeiric fragments, numbered 10493; Bari Mus. Provin, case 3.

^{page 279 note 1} The spurs often break off very cleanly; a certain number of these 90 kantharoi classed as without spurs probably had them.

^{page 279 note 2} For Maltese cross see Böhlau, , Jahrb. 1888, pp. 341–342Google Scholar, No. 70.

^{page 279 note 3} This object (which occurs frequently) looks like a vase. Cp. however Böhlau, , Jahrb. 1888, p. 326Google Scholar, No. 5, and Holleaux, , Mon. Piot. i. p. 30.Google Scholar

^{page 280 note 1} Supporis the theory that παπάδες were Eilithyiae, advanced by Wolteis in ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1892, pp. 212–239. Perhaps cp. also Oxford, Ashmolean, 2, 8, seated figure with small one on either side; and Jamot, , B.C.H. xiv. p. 214 and Fig. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 280 note 2} On type see Wolters, , Ath. Mitt. xv. p. 359.Google Scholar Cp. Mon. Ant. i. p. 849, Grave CXX., and Orsi, ad loc. (Παίγνια or ἀποτρόπαια?)

^{page 280 note 3} E.g. Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Πηλ. Α ´ No. 4350, from Tegea; ibid, case 101; ibid, case 97; ibid.Αἰθ. Β´ case 108 (from the Kabeirion); Αἰθ. Πηλ. Δ´ case 140, Nos. 3930, etc.

^{page 280 note 4} For Nos. 370–373, Cp. Ashmolean, 2, 20, middle shelf.

^{page 280 note 5} Cp. Grave 50, No. 403; Louvre, Room A, case F, bottom shelf, from Cyprus.

^{page 280 note 6} Cp. Louvre, Nécropole de Myrina, Nos. 382–387 (all smaller).

^{page 280 note 7} For shape cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 477 (b.-f. with πρόθεσις scene), and Bologna, Room VI.

^{page 281 note 1} It recalls Ath. Nat. Mus. 2257 from Mycenae. Cp. also Wolters, ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1892, Πίν. 10, Figs, 1 and 1a. For plate heading see p. 227, note 1.

^{page 282 note 1} See references ad loc.

^{page 283 note 1} For shape Cp. Louvre F 71 (Pettier, Catalogue, Pl. 69).

^{page 283 note 2} For use of rope cp. Brit. Mus. B 474 and J. A. Monro, J.H.S. xii. p. 311 (Brit. Mus. E 442). For rope and for colour and position of horns cp. Orsi, Mon. Ant. xvii. Gela, p. 382.

^{page 284 note 1} For warrior Cp. Brit. Mus. B 291; Bari Museum, case 16, top shelf. Cp. also Louvre, L 9, shaped, however, like No. 85 from this grave.

^{page 284 note 2} For hydra, cp. Orsi, Mon. Ant. xvii., Gela, Tav. XIII, lower figure (white lekythos), and p. 346.

^{page 284 note 3} For these cp. Louvre F 409.

^{page 285 note 1} Cp. Bologna, Room VI., central case nearest Athena head; Ath. Nat. Mus. 2240 (Tanagra).

^{page 285 note 2} For imitation of repoussé, Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α ´ No. 159, Geometric from Kerameikos (Collignou and Couve, No. 282); also Etruscan bucchero nero, Pottier, Louvre, Pl. 23, C 16, C 25, etc. and Bóhlau, , Jahrb. 1900, p. 170Google Scholar, Fig. 12, 4. None of this is anything like so fine as our ware, which resembles repoussé work inside as well as oat. It will be illustrated shortly. That the beginnings of such a motive in pottery could (apparently) come without imitation of metal is suggested by the ‘ripple’ ware of Neolithic Knossos, continued in Early Minoan. See Mackenzie, D., J.H.S. xxiii, pp. 160–169.Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 3} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus., Αἰθ. Γ´ central case 77, Nos. 3085 (Eretria), 2709 (Athens), 2899 (Galaxidion) and 2939, 11727, 12773, etc., provenance not stated. Numerous examples in lirit. Mus. (68 of them from Kameiros, according to Froehner ap. Perrot and Chipiez, iii, p. 737); Milan, Museo Poldi Pezzoli; Louvre; Orsi, , Gela, Mon. Ant. xvii. p. 514Google Scholar (see esp. note 1), from a group of graves dating from end of 6th century to end of 5th.

^{page 286 note 1} For style, especially that of hair, cp. B.C.H. 1897, Pl. VII., female marble head from sanctuary of Apollo Ptoos.

^{page 286 note 2} Cp. Olympia Museum, No. 997, flatter than ours. For handles cp. Olympia, No. 940. For similar tripod with bronze vessel (without handles) cp. Bari, Mus. Prov. Nos. 3063 (top), 3064 (tripod): for tripod cp. also Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Καραπάνου Nos. 390, 391, and 392; for handles cp. ibid. No. 384.

^{page 287 note 1} For Plate Heading see above note 1 on p. 227.

^{page 288 note 1} Cf. also Bari, Museo Provinciale, case 7, Nos. 117, 264; Brit. Mus. A 1633 (Kameiros); Orsi, , Mon. Ant. i. pp. 804, 819, etc.Google Scholar, who calls these vases stamnoi; Louvre, E 791.

^{page 288 note 2} For this style at its best see Louvre, Cat., Pottier's Text pp. 753–8, on the workshop ot Nikosthenes. See esp. F 116, 117, 119. For examples more like ours see ib. F 475, 476. Others are in the Castello and Poldi Pezzoli at Milan.

^{page 288 note 3} Possible that hanging down of quiver straps right over bull's back, as occurs on other representations of this or kindred subjects (Brit. Mus. B 350, B 462, B 447, Louvre F 453), may have been misunderstood to have reference to capture of bull, and given rise to trapping by rope, as we see it on 26, No. 86. Cp. also Louvre, F 455, bull's head large and indistinct and covered with white dots (?=meshes of a net); also B.M. B 474, where Herakles uses noose from behind; nothing hanging up. For another line of degeneration, where the cloak hangs on nothing, see below, Grave 18, No. 96. For the bull scene in same technique cp. Hermitage Cat. No. 184. For general references on Herakles and Theseus with Bull and Lion see Walters-Birch, , Hist. Anc. Pottery ii., pp. 96, 109Google Scholar; A.J.A. 1908, pp. 302 fol.

^{page 289 note 1} Not only when Theseus and Minotaur are on the same vase, as is suggested by Pottier on Louvre F 238. In J.H.S. xii. p. 311, J. A. Munro suggests that where two scenes are on same vase (b.-f. kylix from Cyprus) it is Theseus who is beardless and without club. See, however, Brit. Mus. B 441.

^{page 289 note 2} Cf. for ground-colour and style, Bologna, Museo Civico, Room VI., case F, fifth shelf from top.

^{page 289 note 3} For shoulder decoration see Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, Catalogue, Fig. 22, No. 250.

^{page 289 note 4} Cf. Grave 26, No. 84; for column J.H.S. xx. p. 106, Fig. 2. For head ibid. xiv. Pl. III. 9.There seem to be no other vases where the jets are on the actual capitalled column. In Louvre F 296 (case I.) two pillars flank the two sides of a wall, and lions' heads may seem attached to pillar merely from bad perspective; cp. also a large hydria in Vatican, Room VI.

^{page 289 note 5} Cp. Brit. Mus. B 498.

^{page 289 note 6} Cp. also Grave 31, No. 166; Brit. Mus. B 335; perhaps large female heads on Melian amphorae as J.H.S. xx. p. 52; also ibid. p. 106, Fig. 2.

^{page 290 note 1} Cp. Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb., Taf. 51; Brit. Mus. B 173; for head-dress (κυρβασία) ibid. B 630 from Kameiros; Thebes Museum, relief of a fallen Amazon, , Ath. Mitt. 1905, p. 375.Google Scholar For palmettes Ashmolean, V 512.

^{page 290 note 2} For the Aeneas and Anchises scene see Louvre, F 122 (signed by Nikosthenes) and other references ap. Walters-Birch, , Hist. Anc. Pottery, II. p. 135.Google Scholar

^{page 290 note 3} For white dots in field cp. Brit. Mus. B 585 (Kameiros); B 276; B 238; Oxford, Ashmolean V 239. For palmettes, etc., ibid. 211 (Cat. Pl. I. A. Gela) and 214.

^{page 290 note 4} Cp. boy on hippalektryon with horse's legs, Harrison and MacColl, Pl. VIII (= Annali dell' Inst. Arch. 1874, Tav. d'Agg. F; amphora frag. Museo Greco-Etrusco, Florence), where, p. 16, it is noticed that it is a favourite motive with Nikosthenes.

^{page 291 note 1} For motive Cp. r.-f. Andokides amphora, Louvre, F 203.

^{page 292 note 1} See note on No. 50.

^{page 292 note 2} To be published separately by Miss G. E. Holding.

^{page 292 note 3} For b-f. representation of flames cp. Orsi, Gela, Mon. Ant. XVII. Tav. XIII, lower figure; Bologna, Room X, fragments in case opposite door, unedited, from necrop. pred. Arnoaldi.

^{page 292 note 4} For style cp. Louvre, F. 1971, 1997, 2000.

^{page 292 note 5} Cp. Brit. Mus. Room III., Case 47, two top shelves unnumbered. This shape is called by Orsi, stamnos.

^{page 292 note 6} For shape and name cf. Louvre F 153, 163–5, 433; Brit. Mus. B 463–4, 467.

^{page 293 note 1} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 623; also ib. case 42, No. 1118, same fabric and similar facet at top; incised inscription.

^{page 294 note 1} As seen in red on Nos. 248 and 249; see J.H.S. ad loc.

^{page 294 note 2} Cp. the vases treated by Six in Gaz. Arch. 1888, pp. 193 f., 281 f.

^{page 294 note 3} A footbath, which also appears on the Παναίτιος καλός kylix attributed by Hartwig (Pl. XLIV. 3, p. 457) to Euphronios.

^{page 295 note 1} Walters-Birch, , op. cit., i. p. 424Google Scholar, and note 2, has not noticed that this and the Brit. Mus. fragment are the same vase. Branteghem, Cat. 28 (= Klein, Meist, p. 221, No. 3) is, however, not the same as Boston Museum Report No. 52. There are thus four known vases signed by Hermaios, not five.

^{page 295 note 2} In his text (iii. 1906, p. 925) Pottier regards these vases as only showing that ‘des modèles couraient dans les ateliers et étaient librement interprétés par les décorateurs’; but we are inclined to say of them what he himself (ib. p. 661, referred to ad loc.) says of Louvre F 387, 388, G 529, 530, that there are cases of pairs of vases made in one workshop, ‘et par conséquent aussi semblables que possible,’ but that the examples known to us are never identical.

^{page 295 note 3} See note on Grave 49, Nos. 426–430.

^{page 295 note 4} For dove being offered at grave cp. Brit. Mus. F 19; as domestic pet, Gaz. Arch. 1879, Pl. X.; Él. Cer. IV. Pl. XXXIII b. Cp. Ashmolean 2. 22, bottom shelf, from Naukratis; Louvre, Salle III. Case J.

^{page 295 note 5} Cp. Ashmolean 2. 22, bottom shelf but one, extreme left, and 2. 18, pencilled ‘Siana 151’; Louvre, Salle A, Nos. 49, 50, and 51, from Rhodes.

^{page 295 note 6} Cp. Bari, Mus. Prov., Case 3, Nos. 2814 and 2815.

^{page 296 note 1} For protomai of about this date see Blinkenberg and Kinch, Exploration Archéolog, de Rhodes. Figs. 36 to 42, pp. 104–6.

^{page 296 note 2} Cp. Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Πηλ. Α ´ Case 97, unnumbered, from Boeotia; Winter, , Ant. Terr. i. 192Google Scholar, No. 3.

^{page 296 note 3} As also on red parts of dress. If the usual convention is followed (see below No. 267, note) the figure is that of a man as in Böhlau, Aus ion. Nekr. Plate XIV. 2 and p. 41, not a woman, as in Mon. Ant. xvii. Fig. 220, p. 298.

^{page 296 note 4} One may doubt Bóhlau's remark (op. cit. p. 159) that these figures should make one think ‘an den heroisierten Verstorbenen.’

^{page 296 note 5} As in J.H.S. xiv. Pl. IV. Fig. 1, and p. 193.

^{page 296 note 6} Not perforated, though probably meant to represent perforation. In modern kitchen graters the small raised squares are what one sees, not, till one looks closely, the fact that they are perforated.

^{page 297 note 1} E.g. Pollux, , Onom. v. 89Google Scholar(τυρόκνηστις) and Il. xi. 639.

^{page 297 note 2} High pedestals for cooking are common, e.g. Winter, , Ant. Terr. iii. p. 34Google Scholar, No. 8, p. 35, No. 37, and standing cook in Boston Museum, Perkins collection 1897; but we know of no example of one standing inside a bowl.

^{page 297 note 3} Such a pestle hangs on the side of the bowl of Fig. 20.

^{page 297 note 4} Its mushroom-like shape suggests the ναστός of Aristoph. Plutus, 1142, which was a great white cake made with yeast (ζυμίτης) that apparently rose and swelled out at the top, so that τὸ οάχος ὑπερέκυπτε τοῦ κανοῦ (Nicostratus Cp. Athenaeus, III c).

^{page 297 note 5} The point of this is the only part of the figurine that is missing.

^{page 297 note 6} Which has three round black rives.

^{page 297 note 7} Less probably it might be taken to represent the bright sharp edge of the blade.

^{page 297 note 8} Hartwig, op. cit. Fig. 12/90, J.H.S. xxvi. p. 2, Fig. 8.

^{page 297 note 9} See below p. 309. Cp. Winter, Ant. Terr. p. xiii, on connections of various types of figurines.

^{page 297 note 10} Fe₂O₃.

^{page 297 note 11} Mr. A. Rhousopoulos kindly stereochromatized the Cook, much of our Boeotian kylix style, including Plate VIII. A, and many of our figurines. They were all wrapped in paper while still in their graves and not exposed to the light or air till they had been stereochromatized. In discussing a figure which, we may conjecture, had originally bright colours, Heuzey (Figurines Antiques, Plate 39, Fig. 1) talks only of terre grise.

^{page 297 note 12} We have not had the opportunity of seeing them ourselves, but had our attention called to them by Mr. B. H. Hill, Director of the American School at Athens. For figurines not already mentioned with similar subjects, see Louvre, Salle III. Case I.; Vienna, Kunsthist. Mus. Saal IX. case I. No 56; Oxford, Ashmolean Mus. 2, 12; Arch. Zeit. 1874, p. 140, and Taf. XIV. (on which colour seems well preserved), and references ap. Pottier, , Rev. Arch. 1899, p. 11Google Scholar, and Kouroniotes, ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1896, pp. 209–215. For model bakeries (and breweries) of wood outside Egyptian graves see Garstang, Burial Customs, p. 64, Fig. 50, etc.

^{page 297 note 13} As is that of the papádes, who are clearly feminine, see Plate VII A and note on Grave 31, Nos. 368, 369. A man cook at Boston, (Museum Report 1897, p. 32Google Scholar, Fig. 5) with black hair and yellow shirt, has his flesh red, like ours. See above on No. 266. For the history of these conventions see Cecil Smith's interesting remarks in J.H.S. xxii. p. 36.

^{page 297 note 14} Mr. Fairbanks suggests this is the cheese, but if so ‘the yellow pile’ cannot be cheese. It is either a loaf, or a knife-rest, like ours; for the latter its shape is odd.

^{page 298 note 1} Cp. Arch. Anz. 1891, p. 15; Naucratis, Pt. i. p. 48; question there raised, as to whether vases offered all came straight from the shop, will be discussed later, together with the meaning of our incised inscriptions.

^{page 298 note 2} Kretschmer, Griech. Vaseninschrift, pp. 52–3, 130.

^{page 300 note 1} See Smith, C. H., J.H.S. vi., pp. 371–7Google Scholar; aryballos with floral design inscribed found in same grave in Rhodes as an r.-f. hydria. Cp. also J.H.S., xii. p. 311. For the gradual loss in popularity of aryballoi see below p. 306.

^{page 301 note 1} E.g. Reclining back view (a) Hartwig, Meisterschalen, Plate LXVII. 4 and p. 609 (Brit. Mus.) attributed to Duris; left arm rests on κλίνη right raised and holds kylix; (b) Louvre G 70 (Pottier, Plate 97), left arm raised with cloak over it, right raised with lituus to mouth; (c) Hartwig, p. 452, note 2, No. 3 (= Biblioth. Nat. Paris, No. 852; de Ridder, Cat. p. 503) ‘askos ou guttus;’ naked Maenad resting on left arm, right raised.

Reclining front view (d), Louvre G 30 (Pottier, Plate 90); (e), ib. G 40 (Pottier, Plate 91); (f) Hartwig, Fig. 18, p. 129 (Munich) attributed to Euphronios.

Stooping or standing back view (g) Hartwig, Fig. 2 a, p. 25, signed by Chachrylion; standing figure (h) ib. Plate XLVIII, signed by Euphronios; standing figure (i) ib. Plate XVIII. 1, (Stuttgart); kneeling slinger, attributed to Phintias (j) ib. Plate XVIII. 2 (Berlin); warrior with shield on left arm, also attributed to Phintias. (k) Biblioth. Nat. 512 (de Ridder p. 389), warrior; (1) J.H.S. xxvii. Plate III. (Wurzburg), δισκοβόλος

^{page 301 note 2} G 97.

^{page 302 note 1} For such handles see Gsell, Fouilles dans le Née. de Vulci, Formes des Vases, No. 34, and Paris, Bib. Nat. Nos. 845, 846 (de Ridder, Cat. p. 495, and Plate XXIII.) The lower photograph on our Plate XIV., taken before the second handle was identified, happened to be the best available.

^{page 302 note 2} The scrotum seems to be the amentum, though in the wrong position for it. See Gardiner, E. N., J. H. S. xxvii, p. 251.Google Scholar

^{page 302 note 3} For the pelta as used by Amazons see the Chachrylion kylix in Brit. Mus. 815 (Wiener Vorlägebl. D vii. 2) and ib. B, 315, E, 40, 220, 247. It is also carried by Satyrs, e.g. on the Brussels skyphos already mentioned and in Louvre G 73 and 89 (Pottier, Plates 97 and 98). Also by young warrior in the Chachrylion kylix published by Rayet (p. 175, Fig 71) and now Louvre, Salle III., No. 47. For position in which it is held cp. Eur. (?) Rhesus, 372–3.

^{page 302 note 4} There is no doubt, as Lady Evans says, that ‘the soft rounded limbs’ suggest a woman. They might also, however, be a boy's (e.g. centre ephebos on Hartwig, Meisterschalen, Plate LIII.), and the avoidance of any opportunity for distinctive breast-marks may be meant to make the reference to the drama more natural, and suggest that it is a boy acting a woman's part. In describing a figure (with vandyked boots) on a lekythos from Gela, Benndorf (Gr. u. Sic. Vas. Plate XXXVI. 3 and p. 100) notices that though the step and shape of body are feminine and give impression of Amazon, the markings of the breast are masculine.

^{page 302 note 5} E 65 (= Furtwängler-Reíchhold, Plate 47, 2); see the discussion ib. pp. 240–3. For other references to Satyric Drama, see Gardner, P., J.H.S. xiii. pp. 70–6Google Scholar, J. D. Beazley, ib. xxviii, p. 315, Walters-Birch, Hist. Anc. Pottery, pp. 159–62, and Dümmler, Bonner Studien, p. 89.

^{page 302 note 6} Furtwängler-Reichhold, Plate 25. For thin parallel lines of beard on light ground see ib. pp. 121–3.

^{page 302 note 7} Hartwig, Meisterschalen, Plate XXXII. (Biblioth. Nat., Paris), XXXIII. 1 (Castle Ashby, Northampton), XXXIII. 2 (Biblioth. Nat., Paris), Furtwängler-Reichhold, Plate 49 (Munich).

^{page 302 note 8} Hartwig, op. cit., Plates LIII. (= Louvre, G 105) and LIV. Cp. also ib. Plate XXXVI. 1, the dancer on the Orvieto Faina kylix, another vase attributed to Brygos.

^{page 302 note 9} Cat. des Vases du Louvre, Vol. iii. 1906. Pp. 986–1005.

^{page 303 note 1} For a criticism of Pottier's general line of argument see Hauser, F. in Berl. Phil. Woch. 1907, pp. 693–4Google Scholar, in a review on Ducati's, P.Brigo, Bologna, 1904.Google Scholar This review of Hauser's, which was brought to our notice by Dr. Zahn, refers also to O. S. Tonk's Memoir on Brygos.

^{page 303 note 2} Published by Froehner, Collection du Prince Napoléon, Pl. V. Les Musées de France, Pl. 6 and Gaspar, C., in Durendal, Brussels 1901, Pl. III.Google Scholar Its shape is quite unlike that of our vase, and resembles that of our Pl. XI. (a) = Grave 31, No. 184.

^{page 303 note 3} Cp. the ‘Phallus oculatus’ that forms the head of each of the thyrsi carried by the Scythians on the Orvieto Faina kylix, attributed by Hartwig, Meist, p. 523 to the ‘Meister mit dem Kahlkopfe.’ Hartwig, p. 434 makes the phallus spear of the Brussels skyphos one of the grounds for ascribing that also to the same master.

^{page 303 note 4} And also on the Λεαγρὸς καλός fragment in Louvre, G 26 (Pottier, Pl. 90 and Text III. p. 901). See further Hartwig, p. 507.

^{page 303 note 5} Hartwig, Pl. XXXII. & XXXIII, 1.

^{page 303 note 6} Id. Pls. XXXVI. 1. (Orvieto Faina), XXXV. 4b (Bibl. Nat. Paris) and p. 372 No. 1 (Leyden).

^{page 303 note 7} Furtwängler-Reichhold's Pl. 50 (Würzburg). Also in the Brussels skyphos, and Hartwig Pls. XL. (Branteghem), XLIII. (Brit. Mus.) attributed to the ‘Meister mit dem Kahlkopfe’ and made by Hartwig another of the points (p. 426) because of which he claims that painter as a ‘Nachfolger’ of Brygos. See above. It is not convincing to treat the back-tilted head as a mark of style where the situation compels it, e.g. on Hartwig, Pl. LX. and p. 543, attributed to Onesimus, Furtwängler-Reichhold, Pl. 25, signed by Brygos, Hartwig, Pl. XLIV, attributed to Euphronios.

^{page 303 note 8} Also on Hartwig, Pl. XXXI, (kylix at Baltimore attributed to Hieron).

^{page 303 note 9} They clearly belong to a larger animal than the fox. None the less the αἰγείη κυνέη of Od. xxiv. 231 justifies us in including them under the generic ἀλωπεκίς. Lady Evans raises the question whether such caps were always actually of fur, or whether the markings were imitated in other materials.

^{page 303 note 10} Hartwig, Pl. LIV. The other has no stiff frontlet. Nor has the otherwise similar cap of PI. XIV. I. (Bourguignon), attributed to Euphronios. On the other hand a cap on the Baltimore kylix attributed by Hartwig (Pl. XXII. 2) to Duris has frontlet as well as spike and streamers, but the latter have no trefoil markings.

^{page 304 note 1} It is of course possible that the letters, even if complete, would convey no meaning to us, as is the case with many vase inscriptions (e.g. Grave 49, No 264). This does not necessarily imply that elaborate inscriptions were ever arbitrary collections of letters used as fill ornament.

^{page 304 note 2} The effect is much the same as in any ordinary museum collection of figurines in which the paint has faded. We have tried chemical analysis, but at present without definite result.

^{page 304 note 3} e.g. Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Γ.᾿Αγγ Nos. 2053, 2077, 12148 (head lekythos); Louvre, Salle H., Nos. 59, 51, 52, 56, 57, 100, 37, and the Epilykos head assigned by Pottier, (Mon. Piot. IX. pp. 135–178)Google Scholar to Prokles.

^{page 304 note 4} See Pottier, in Rev. Arch. 1900, pp. 183, 192Google Scholar, discussing Furtwängler, Berlin Cat. Nos. 1292 ff.

^{page 304 note 5} E.g. The hair is glazed black in one of the examples in Corneto, Mus. Munic. Stanza VIII. and is the polished ‘red-figure’ colour of the natural clay in Louvre, Salle H., No. 48.

^{page 304 note 6} E.g. in Brit. Mus. E 793, a fifth-century rhyton with man and woman's head back to back, and bright red blotches for hair, bright powdery red patches can still be seen on both faces. So on the later cup ‘Capua-Castelli’ near to it (Third Vase Room, cases 41. 42) and Bologna, Mus. Room X. case I.

^{page 305 note 1} Dr. Zahn writes to us his opinion that it ‘wirklich dem epiktetischen Kreise angehört, M. Pottier that it ‘peut être de la fin du sixième siècle,’ Herr Hartwig that, so far as he can judge from photographs, his views on the date of the vase entirely agree with ours.

^{page 305 note 2} Klein, (Meistersig. ² 1887, pp. 212–3)Google Scholar catalogues 2 vases certainly, and 4 probably, signed by Teisias on black glaze ware, plain or with floral design. He remarks that the epigraphy points to the sixth century. Judging from the tracings of four of the signatures in Rev. Arch. 1875, pp. 172–4 (Rayet, ) and B.C.H. 1881, pp. 178–9Google Scholar (Collignon), the writing on our vases is more regular and advanced; but the difference is not greater than is consistent with the normal development of a few decades. For good examples of development in vase painting during one life-time see Hauser, F. in Berl. Phil. Woch. 1907, p. 694.Google Scholar That on 3 of the 4 the writing is retrograde proves nothing. See the retrograde inscriptions of a r.-f. kylix of Euphronios (Hartwig, Meisterschalen, Pl. XLVIII). Another signature of Teisias (not noticed by Klein, though published by Cleic, in B.C.H. 1883, p. 279)Google Scholar on an intact kantharos from Tanagra, black glaze with purple lines is apparently quite as regular as ours.

^{page 305 note 3} For the date of the still later Graves 22 and 21, and the special reasons for not including them in the present discussion see above, pp. 299 f.

^{page 305 note 4} A comparison of its total contents with that of the Marathon Soros (Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α case 13, and Stais, V. (Ath. Mitt. 1893, p. 56)Google Scholar favours if anything a somewhat later date.

^{page 306 note 1} For further details see catalogue.

^{page 306 note 2} In view of our material Pottier's statement (Cat. iii. 1906, p. 807) that this shape is ‘assez rare’ in the sixth century must be modified.

^{page 306 note 3} A single example was also found in Grave 21, which must apparently have belonged to the fifth century.

^{page 307 note 1} Dr. Kinch writes lhal this is also his view.

^{page 307 note 2} At Naucratis itself Kleinmeister kylikes were found along with the ‘local Naukratite,’ making it probable that at boih places the two were contemporary.

^{page 307 note 3} Cp., however, E. Gardner, Greek Sculpture, p. 147, n. 1, on the Dermys and Kitylos inscription; E. S. Roberts, Epigraphy, p. 228.

^{page 308 note 1} See further discussion in J.H.S. xxix, pt. 2.

^{page 308 note 2} The descriptions of this ground colour in the catalogue are not uniform. The colour varies somewhat on different vases. Some recognised method of describing shades of colour (e.g. by reference to some generally accepted book of colour patterns, as suggested to one of the writers by Mr. Thomas May) is one of the most pressing needs of archaeological publication.

^{page 308 note 3} On the figurines the palmette shows the same degeneration from an earlier form with more petals and resting on spirals, to a later one with fewer petals and scarcely any stalk or base: cp. Oxford, Ashmolean 2, 18, stemless five-petalled palmettes on a comparatively late παπᾶς with palmette resting on spirals on a more primitive one.

^{page 308 note 4} For a fairly near parallel to the Boeotian bird, cp. Pottier, Louvre, Pl. 31, D 73 (Italian. Geometric).

^{page 309 note 1} For an example of Group A technique in Athens Nat. Mus., see No. 960.

^{page 309 note 2} Hogarth, and Welsh, J.H.S. 1901, p. 80 (Kamares)Google Scholar, say powdery character of paint is perhaps due to damp. This suggestion does not affect our classification. There must have been some original difference between the ground colours of Class I and Class II vases, to explain the present difference in their condition, after being exposed to the same set of circumstances (see also p. 310, n. 4).

^{page 309 note 3} This latest phase of the Boeotian kylix style is not well represented in the big museums. For examples see Ath. Nat. Mus. 959 (quoted above) and 12285, Louvre L, case C, shaped like Böhlau, Fig. 24. The reason is probably to be found in the character of the ware itself. The colours of a typical Class 11. vase come off at the least touch. The Boeotian τυμβωρύχοι may have dug up many examples; but all the mam features of the decoration would have ulterly disappeared long before the vases were offered for sale. As a matter of fact they seem seldom to have been so offered. The τυμβωρύχοι regard black-figure and red-figure ware, especially lekythoi, as the great prizes of their trade. Boeotian kylikes of this latest phase are always found with abundant black-figure and for that reason have not found their way to the dealers in any quantity. They have as a result received little attention. Böhlau's, general description of the style, Jahrb. 1888, pp. 327–328Google Scholar, seems to exclude them (cp. ibid. p. 345, n. 8 ‘all vases of the style are contemporary’). Holleaux', description (Mon. Piot. i. pp. 29, 30)Google Scholar might include our Class II., but it does not differentiate it. Confusion has been caused by describing as white the creamy ground colour of vases like our Class I., e.g.: Couve, , B.C.H., 1897, p. 447Google Scholar; Pottier, Catalogue, p. 239; Wolters, ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1892, p. 219. It is rightly described by Fairbanks, , Boston Museum Report. 1897, pp. 22–23Google Scholar, No. 4, as cream. Fairbanks' conception of the style does not appear to include our Class II., Cp. ibid. 1899. p. 58, ‘decoration in the usual brown glaze with red used liberally as an accessory.’

^{page 309 note 4} Illustrated ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1899, p. 26, Fig. 1.

^{page 310 note 1} For exx. in Brit. Mus. see B 30 and the one between B 57 and B 58. Neither, however, gives an idea of the original brilliance of the colours.

^{page 310 note 2} In spite of their different effect these have much in common with Class I. vases. A Boeotian oinochoe in the Louvre, A 568, illustrates connection. It has some details in common with black and brown παπάδες others with our Class 1. vases, e.g. Gr. 49, No. 3. For an isolated example of a Boeotian kylix in brown and black technique see Ath. Nat. Mus., No. 962. Note also Grave 46, No. 32 (to be published J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2), a vase from a Group? grave in same style as black-on-brown παπάδες

^{page 310 note 3} This is against Böhlau's assumption (p. 346, n. 9) that the figurines derived their decoration from the vases, and leaves it possible to see in the polychrome element of our figurines a direct result of the contemporary movement in sculpture.

^{page 310 note 4} The best probable example of a powdery pure white ground from a Group A grave is Gr. 49, No. 7, Pl. XV. c. A qualitative analysis kindly made for us by Mr. Rhoussopoulos gives the same result as that made by him of a vase from Group B. Both consist of Fe, Al, Ca, and SiO₂: Fe being less plentiful in the Grave 49 example, Ca in that from Group B. There is unfortunately nothing in this analysis to prove it impossible that both whites are the result of weathering. For the present therefore, till other tests can be applied, it is perhaps better not to build any conclusions on the vase from Grave 49. We are inclined to think that the white of the vase from 49 is paint: that it was put on after the firing (possibly some time after) to fill in the interstices of the red pattern, that in some parts it has remained, on some it has spread, on some it has completely disappeared. As the vase now is, the white on the outside extends over a sort of segment of a circle. It is preserved on the inside almost exactly where it is preserved on the outside: it looks as though some other vase had rested on the part where the white remains, and to some extent protected it: it is hard to believe that mould or weathering should have formed such regular patterns as the white now takes on part of this vase, even if it were true that the process would take place more readily on the ground surface of the vase than on the pattern. This Grave 49 vase would on our hypothesis be a tentative experiment, in which the colour was applied as an afterthought. In any case no one who has actually seen the large Class II. series of vases can doubt than their powdery white is a real differentia. Chemical or microscopic analysis can only give us more accurate information as to the exact nature of the difference.

^{page 311 note 1} Jamot, , B.C.H. 1890, pp. 206 and 211Google Scholar; Winter, , Die antiken Terrakotten (1903), p. xiiiGoogle Scholar; Cp. also Böhlau, , Jahrb. 1888, p. 342Google Scholar, on Fig. 28; Holleaux, , Mon. Piot. I. p. 29Google Scholar (certains Pappades paraissent sensiblement plus modernes que le plus grand nombre des vases).

^{page 311 note 2} Loc. cit. p. 361; cp. Wolters p. 218; Holleaux, p. 33, end of note 3 to p. 32 (d'où cette conclusion vraisemblable, que la fabrication de ces vases de transition (the name given to our style by Böhlau) prit fin vers le temps où la céramique corinthienne commença d'être introduite en grande quantité dans la Béotie).

^{page 311 note 3} As the writers already referred to have frequently complained: see Böhlau, loc. cit. pp. 326, n. 3, and 327; Holleaux, p. 32: see also above, p. 227, n. 1.

^{page 311 note 4} Cp. Böhlau's general description of the style, p. 327, decoration in ‘schwarz-braunen oder schmutzig violetrötlichen Farbe’ on a thin ‘weisslich bis gelblichen Überzug’ and other refs. on p. 309, n. 3.

^{page 311 note 5} Figurines corresponding to these elaborate vases are not uncommon, e.g. Louvre L 134, 137, 138; Brit. Mus. A 563; Oxford Mus. 2, 18.

^{page 312 note 1} Grs. 50, No. 3; 51, No. 27; 31, No. 16 (Pl. XV. 6); 40, No. 6 (J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2).

^{page 312 note 2} Nintty-eight published here, forty-five in J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2.

^{page 312 note 3} It must not be forgotten that the Thebes -Tanagra vases are probably picked specimens out of a very large number of graves.

^{page 312 note 4} Böhlau, p. 345, n. 8; Wolters, ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1892, p. 240.

^{page 312 note 5} See exx. quoted p. 309, n. 3 (found since Böhlau's article, but before those of Wolters and Holleaux). These have been ascribed unchallenged to the same date in the 7th century as the rest.

^{page 313 note 1} That monotony meant decay in the Boeotian kylix style, as elsewhere, is shown by Graves 18, Nos. 1–14, and 46, Nos. 1–31 (J.H.S. xxix. pt. 2).

^{page 313 note 2} The very large number of black-on-brown figurines (like Grave 49, Nos. 421–430) in Schimatari museum favours this view at least for Tanagra. The black-on-brown figurines are also commoner than the red and white in the Nat. Mus. at Athens. It should of course be remembered that they are very strong, the others very fragile.

^{page 313 note 3} Holleaux', observation (Mon. Piot. i. p. 33, n. 4)Google Scholar that at the Ptoön he has found Boeotian kylikes fragments in the same stratum as Proto-Corinthian and one kind of Corinthian and, above it, a stratum containing another kind of Corinthian, may well be found to harmonize with this last suggestion. Unfortunately the Ptoön excavations have not yet been published, and we know neither the extent of the finds, the details of the stratification, nor the exact character of the Boeotian kylikes, the Corinthian, and the Proto-Corinthian referred to in the Mon. Piot. See also ibid. p. 35, n. 1.

^{page 313 note 4} It might prove interesting to institute a comparison between the Geometric predecessor of our kylix style and the prehistoric Boeotian ware excavated by Soteriades, (Ath. Mitt., 30, p. 113).Google Scholar The most striking point of resemblance is the occurrence (Class II., Chaeronea) of hatched triangles in bright red on a white slip; cp. also, p. 136, Fig. 7, the same ware from Elataea. His Class V from Elataea (a development of Class II) has the horizontal wavy lines which Böhlau regards as the chief feature of his conjectured 8th (?) cent. Geometric.

^{page 313 note 5} The Boeotian kylix style represents ‘l'évolution finale vers le système corintho-ionien.’ Pottier, Cat. p. 241, giving a résumé of Böhlau: Holleaux p. 33 quoted p. 311, n. 2.

^{page 314 note 1} Τυμβωρύχοι have little exact knowledge as to the names of archaic styles. They naturally wish if possible both to conceal the real provenance of a vase and to invent a false one that will enhance its value. Any Τυμβωρύχος who had opened in a single campaign Grave 13 (to be published in J.H.S. xxx.) and a Boeotian kylix grave (e.g. Grave 18, see map) would most probably have brought to the market the whole contents of Grave 13, and a limited selection of vases from the other grave.

^{page 314 note 2} The little skyphos survivals are of course not included in this statement. Cp. Dümmler, , Jahrb. 1887, p. 19Google Scholar; Kinch, Explor. de Rhodes, p. 113; Orsi, , Mon. Ant. I (Megara-Hyblaea) pp. 781–2Google Scholar and references there.

^{page 314 note 3} As suggested by Böhlau, p. 353, and Holleaux, p. 30.

^{page 314 note 4} ᾿Εφ.᾿Αρχ 1892, p. 219.

^{page 315 note 1} This is perhaps the answer to Böhlau, p. 360, ‘Korinth kommt seines ganz verschiedenen Dekorationsstiles wegen nicht in Betracht.’ Holleaux' contention (p. 34), that our ware cannot have been influenced by Corinthian, because it has no incisions and no fill-ornament, is invalid: incisions are almost impossible in our soft fabric, and fill-ornament requires vacant spaces, which a glance at Pl. XV. shows at once were not available. The persistence of Geometric motives and conventions, which Holleaux regards as a ‘manifest sign of antiquity,’ is not necessarily one for the Boeotian kylix style, but only for the local pure Geometric style from which Böhlau derives it. A local Geometric style survived in Cyprus till the 5th century, Monro, J. A. R., J.H.S. xii. p. 329.Google Scholar

^{page 315 note 2} E.g. Louvre, CA 50 (= Böhlau, 6) and CA 49 (= Böhlau, 7); Brit. Mus., A 562 (= Böhlau, 8) and A 563 (= Böhlau, 16); Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, V 502; Ath. Nat. Mus. 3549 (= Böhlau, 53).

^{page 315 note 3} E.g. Böhlau, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 15 (= Fig. 4, three on each of the bands dividing the panels), 16, 53; cp. Louvre A 571 with Corinthian aryballos E 606; Brit. Mus. A 562 and 563 with ibid. 36 and 37 (Corinthian).

^{page 315 note 4} Cp. also Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, Case 2, 18 (Boeotian horse and rider, black-on-brown with bands of dots on horse's flank), B.C.H. xiv. p. 210, Fig. 2 (similar band on early παπᾶς), and perhaps Jahrb. 1888, p. 338, Fig. 13, with the zones of dots on early aryballoi (e.g. Louvre E 32, Cat. Pl. 39, and our Grave 14).

^{page 315 note 5} Remembering both the combination of Proto-Corinthian and oriental features on Böhlau's ‘Kästchen,’ the numerous late survivals we have found at Rhitsóna, and our general uncertainty as to the relationship of Proto-Corinthian to Corinthian, we need not give a pre-Corinthian date either to Böhlau, Fig. 32, p. 353 or to any Boeotian kylikes that show Proto-Corinthian details, even if in the latter case they cannot be derived from late skyphoi, such as were found in all the six big graves here published. It follows also that Bohlau's comparison of Ann. 1877, Tav. CD 5 for the Boeotian kylix shape is equally inconclusive for a pre-Corinthian origin.

^{page 316 note 1} Cp. p. 315, n. I and Tiara II. 316, No. 67, quoted by Furtwängler, Aegina p. 475, aryballoi found with Geometric vases in probably seventh century grave.

^{page 316 note 2} Both the palmette and the lotus of Boeotian kylikes may have their prototypes in Phaleron ware, see, e.g. Ath. Nat. Mus. 206 (palmette) and 85g (lotus).

^{page 316 note 3} For possible Rhodian influence (suggested by Holleaux, p. 33, n. 1) cp. zones of a kind of daisy pattern on Louvre A 326 (Rhodian Amphora) with A 571 (foo'ess Boeotian kylix).

^{page 317 note 1} E.g. the black-on-brown figurines like Grave 49, Nos. 421–430 may actually be a survival of Dipylon technique: so Martha, B.C.H. xvii. Cp., however, Holleaux, , Mon. Piot. i. p. 29, n. 5.Google Scholar

^{page 317 note 2} With the few exceptions mentioned, p. 227, n. 1.

^{page 317 note 3} Loc. cit. p. 35, n. 2. Holleaux has been convinced that the Boeotian kylix style is distinctly later than Geometric by his excavations at the Ptoön (p. 35. n. 1), which he has unfortunately not yet published (see above, p. 313, n. 3, and Pottier, , Louvre Cat. vol. i. pp. 238–242).Google Scholar

^{page 317 note 4} Collignon and Couve are unquestionably wrong in dating vases of this series later than the kylikes (Pl. XIX. and text ad loc).

^{page 317 note 5} E.g. the wavy white line on a broad dark straight band (Wide, Fig. 37 and our Pl. XV. d); the band of horizontal chevrons (Wide, Fig. 32) and (once more) our Pl. XV. d, which is perhaps our earliest type from Rhitsóna. Wide's Fig. 37 has perhaps closer affinities with Proto-Corinthian than with any specific Geometric style. The nearest parallel to Wolters' flying bird, loc. cit. πίν X. Ia, is found in our Pl. VIII. B. This latter parallel needs no emphasizing, since Wolters himself classes his vase with Boeotian kylikes.

^{page 317 note 6} Wide publishes nine, Wolters only one, Bohlau four (to which he quotes one or two parallels).

^{page 318 note 1} Böhlau's Nos. 56–72 have not been considered here. Bohlau seems perfectly right in making at least most of them contemporary with his kylikes. Several parallels to them have already been found at Rhitsóna in Boeotian kylix graves that are being held over for subsequent publication.